Eliot Wilson

Eliot Wilson

Eliot Wilson was a House of Commons clerk, including on the Defence Committee and Counter-Terrorism Sub-Committee. He is contributing editor at Defence On The Brink and senior fellow for national security at the Coalition for Global Prosperity

Trump is hollowing out America’s intelligence agencies

Donald Trump never loses the ability to astonish. Many people will have breathed a sigh of relief last month when the United States Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, announced that she was stepping down at the end of June. The former Democratic congresswoman for Hawaii’s 2nd district had tacked dramatically to the right after a dismal but controversial bid for the party’s presidential nomination and threw in her lot with Donald Trump. The reward was to be nominated to his cabinet in November 2024. The post of Director of National Intelligence (DNI) was established by George W. Bush in 2005 to be the executive head of the US intelligence community, a collection of 18 organisations, including the CIA, the FBI and the National Security Agency.

Keir Starmer is not serious about defence

Today marks a year since the government published its Strategic Defence Review (SDR). From the outset, it was clear that the review was hampered by its terms of reference, and the government’s heavy and shameless leaking of its contents to generate positive publicity was disgraceful. But it was a useful statement of intent, a framework on which to build Britain’s future defence capabilities. None of it, however, was going to have much impact without considering expenditure. The Defence Secretary, John Healey, in his foreword to the review stated that 'we will develop a new defence investment plan (DIP) to deliver the SDR’s vision'. That was critical: the DIP would contain the facts and figures, the calculations of hard cash, and was to be completed 'in Autumn 2025'.

Why is Andy Burnham asking Sue Gray for advice?

As Andy Burnham, who is still mayor of Greater Manchester in his spare time, campaigns to win the Makerfield by-election in fewer than four weeks, he knows how much is at stake. It is not simply an opportunity to return to the ‘London-centric’ House of Commons he left nine years ago in order ‘to make a change, to challenge the status quo from the outside’. If he is returned to Parliament – as the odds very narrowly suggest he will be – there is a strong chance he will replace Sir Keir Starmer as prime minister within a short period of time. It is a staggeringly foolish decision by Burnham to seek her advice Given the situation, it is perfectly reasonable that Burnham has devoted some time to thinking about what his premiership would be like.

The Ministry of Defence is failing to prepare Britain for war

In the last 20 or 25 years, there has been a much greater understanding that a country’s 'national security' encompasses much more than the traditional duality of diplomacy and military power. Trade routes, public infrastructure, energy supplies and societal cohesion are all at play in terms of assessing threats and designing ways of defending against them. One key issue to emerge has been the concept of resilience: how well-prepared is Britain? What risk mitigation have we undertaken? How would we respond to a sustained conflict? What is the public mood? At the beginning of the year, the House of Lords appointed a select committee on national resilience, chaired by former adviser on corporate responsibility and self-regulation Baroness Coussins, to report on the subject by November.

Trump’s Nato troop reduction isn’t Europe’s biggest problem

Before Donald Trump returned to the White House last year, there were many commentators who sought to sanitise the President. Take him seriously but not literally, they said. Some hinted that his cruder and wilder hyperbole was not the ignorant, boorish reflex it seemed but a shrewd and daring negotiating tactic in Trump’s beloved 'art of the deal'. It has been reported that the United States is planning to announce a reduction in the number of troops it will make available to Nato in Europe. America is planning to shrink its commitment to the Nato Force model, under which troops 'carry out the alliance’s operations, missions and other activities during peacetime'.

Why Trump is threatening the Falklands

There are still those who argue that President Trump’s aggressive, impulsive and inconsistent foreign policy is radical and disruptive, and because of this delivers results. The jury remains out on that. But there is one aspect of international affairs in which Trump is at a marked disadvantage. The US President is often governed by impulse, satisfying his instinct of the moment. That has been underlined by a leaked email from the US Department of Defense, setting out a list of potential punishments for countries which so far have failed to support Trump’s military action against Iran, Operation Epic Fury.

War bonds won’t fix Britain’s creaking defence

The Chancellor Rachel Reeves is reported to be considering proposals to issue war bonds to fund a splurge in defence spending. We have been here before when it comes to the Labour government suggesting that it is willing to put its money where its mouth is on defence. Only 14 months ago, Sir Keir Starmer seemed to have seized the initiative when he announced that the government would not only fulfil but accelerate its manifesto commitment to spend 2.5 per cent of GDP on defence. That was brought forward to 2027, while he 'set a clear ambition' to go further to 3 per cent of GDP 'in the next parliament'. But what seemed like a bold act of leadership is now much diminished as other Nato member states have made greater commitments to defence.

Treasury squabbles are harming Britain’s national security

The symphony of criticism aimed at the government for failing to live up to its promises of boosting Britain’s defences came to its crescendo this week. The lead author of last year’s strategic defence review (SDR), former Labour defence secretary and Nato secretary general Lord Robertson of Port Ellen, gave a speech at Salisbury’s Guildhall in which he savaged Sir Keir Starmer’s administration: he identified 'a corrosive complacency today in Britain's political leadership' and accused ministers of paying 'lip service' to 'the risks, the threats, the bright red signals of danger'. One of the mainstays of the criticism aimed at the government is the months-long, ongoing delay in publishing the defence investment plan (DIP).

Starmer is being ‘corrosively complacent’ about defence

The old joke runs that you can tell when a politician is lying because his lips are moving. It is unfair – our elected leaders rarely indulge in flat-out, unambiguous untruths – but part of politics is certainly about presenting complex issues in a favourable light. The current government has its own strange and maddening approach to this, but I will come back to that. Robertson’s rebuke is especially important because he was the lead author of last year’s Strategic Defence Review which Sir Keir Starmer hailed as a ‘landmark’ document Outside the arrogant utopianism of Zack Polanski’s Green party, there is a widespread consensus that the United Kingdom needs to spend more money on defence.

Can the Royal Navy really deter Vladimir Putin?

The Royal Navy has not had a good few weeks in reputational terms. It was nothing short of humiliating that it took three weeks to get the destroyer HMS Dragon to the eastern Mediterranean after RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus was attacked by Iranian drones on 1 March. The ship was the only one of six Type 45 destroyers available for operations (and has now had to put into port at an undisclosed location because of a water supply issue). Then it emerged that a frigate of the Russian Navy had escorted two shadow fleet tankers through the English Channel this week. Despite Sir Keir Starmer’s tough talk about boarding parties and 'starving Putin’s war machine of the dirty profits that fund his barbaric campaign in Ukraine', the ships were unmolested.

Putin has called Starmer’s shadow fleet bluff

Theodore Roosevelt, the blur of energy who occupied the White House for the first years of the 20th century, famously advised statesmen: ‘Speak softly and carry a big stick.’ Sir Keir Starmer is increasingly performing a morbidly fascinating inversion of this, and pursuing a policy of speaking loudly (and piously), while having no stick at all. Putin currently has little to fear from Starmer’s moralising bluster At the end of March, 10 Downing Street proudly announced that the United Kingdom would ‘step up its pressure on Putin’ by giving permission for military and law enforcement personnel, including our still-vaunted Special Forces, to board vessels from Russia’s ‘shadow fleet’ if they passed through UK waters.

The Iran deal has shown Britain’s irrelevance

With Donald Trump’s threat that ‘a whole civilization will die… never to be brought back again’ looming on Tuesday night, a temporary two-week ceasefire between the United States and Iran was agreed. The arrangement, mediated by Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, is fragile, but showed who the leading players in the current conflict are. Starmer seems to have created an image of himself as an influential but essential eirenic figure on the world stage, a diplomatic heavyweight with invaluable convening power Sir Keir Starmer, by contrast, appeared to be confused about his own role in the conflict.

The fate of this US pilot could determine the Iran war

Around dawn on Friday, a McDonnell Douglas F-15E Strike Eagle from the US Air Force’s 494th Fighter Squadron was shot down over south-western Iran. Although the Iranians initially talked about a ‘massive explosion’, it seems that anti-aircraft fire tore off the F-15E’s tail fin, causing it to crash; but the two crew members seem to have ejected before then. The capture of a pilot by an enemy regime would rekindle some of the American public’s worst, most horrifying atavistic memories The pilot has already been rescued by US Special Forces, but the fate of the weapons systems officer (WSO, or ‘wizzo’), who sits behind the pilot and controls the air-to-ground avionics, is unknown.

The one hurdle to Trump taking America out of Nato

Donald Trump has never liked the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato). Disagreements have been managed before and problems deferred, but his recent rage at Nato over what he sees as a lack of support for his war against Iran is now threatening to bring the issue to a head. When he was still a candidate for the Republican party’s presidential nomination in March 2016, Trump made his feelings clear to The Washington Post: Nato is costing us a fortune, and yes, we’re protecting Europe with Nato, but we’re spending a lot of money. His objections were and are typically Trumpian: he sees other countries taking advantage of the United States, American goodwill and generosity being exploited and insufficient fealty being paid to him.

Civilian ships can’t do the Navy’s job in the Strait of Hormuz

There are those who will claim that Sir Keir Starmer has handled the UK’s response to America’s war with Iran skilfully and diplomatically. That said, one in ten of the population believes in astrology, so fringe positions will always attract some support. I would not even be sure the Prime Minister himself belongs to this particular clique. Starmer does, though, seem conscious that his stance was too passive and inscrutable when Operation Epic Fury began on 28 February and has been playing catch-up since then. The latest proposal for Britain’s contribution to containing and managing the conflict has been discreetly briefed to journalists.

Could Britain help unblock the Strait of Hormuz?

It has not required advanced training in detecting nuance or reading between the lines in recent days to understand that Donald Trump is annoyed. A man who wears his demands, if not quite his heart, on his sleeve, he has made it abundantly clear that he wants America’s allies, especially but not exclusively the leading members of Nato, to provide additional resources and assets for a US-led effort to maintain maritime commerce through the Strait of Hormuz. The President is angry and disappointed that such help has not been immediately forthcoming.

Should Nato help America defend the Strait of Hormuz?

As soon as Operation Epic Fury, America’s latest campaign against the Islamic Republic of Iran, got underway on the last day of February, political, military and economic minds around the world should have turned their attention to the Strait of Hormuz. The waterway provided the only shipping route from the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and the open seas beyond. That has long made the strait the dagger Iran holds at the throat of the world. At its narrowest, it is less than 25 miles across, and Iran controls the northern shore; to the south is the Musandam Peninsula, shared by the United Arab Emirates and an exclave of Oman.

The glaring problem with the RAF’s new helicopters

It was good news, albeit good news of the your-house-hasn’t-burned-down variety. Last week, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) announced that Leonardo UK had been selected for a £1 billion contract to provide the armed forces with a new medium helicopter, thereby securing the future of the company’s factory at Yeovil and 3,300 jobs dependent on it. It had not been an easy journey to the awarding of the contract. Leonardo was the only bidder, with Airbus, Boeing and Lockheed Martin having dropped out between the announcement of the competition in 2022 and the end of the bidding process in 2024. The MoD had also dragged its feet after it was clear that Leonardo was the only bidder, much to the frustration of the company’s CEO, Roberto Cingolani.

Does Trump really have ‘whatever it takes’ to win in Iran?

With Operation Epic Fury in its sixth day, it is hard to tell how long the current United States military campaign against Iran will last. It may not be swift; yesterday, the US Senate rejected a resolution to halt further action. Meanwhile, President Trump has been alarmingly indifferent to the question: Whatever the time is, it’s OK, whatever it takes. Right from the beginning we projected four to five weeks, but we have the capability to go far longer than that. We’ll do it. US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth struck a different note with reporters: 'This is not Iraq, this is not endless.' Yet he has refused to rule out deploying ground forces to Iran and later said, 'We have only just begun to fight.

Iran has shown how naive Keir Starmer truly is

Being one of America’s closest allies – which Britain remains – is like having a very rich friend. You are invited to meetings and parties to which you might not otherwise have access, and people listen to you because of your connections. Sometimes, though, your friend will expect a favour in return which you know might make you unpopular with others. It is the quid pro quo. That relationship of unbalanced dependency has come under the spotlight since the United States launched Operation Epic Fury, its latest campaign against the Islamic Republic of Iran, at the weekend. America has an enormous military infrastructure in the Middle East with facilities in Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Kuwait, the UAE and Iraq.