Daniel Korski

While the Coalition is split over Europe, Labour does not look like they are in a much better position. Ed Miliband told the BBC that he was in favour of the Euro; Ed Balls would presumably tackle anyone to avoid that becoming the party's policy. Meanwhile Douglas Alexander, Labour's brainy Shadow Foreign Secretary, has yet to make a game-changing intervention. Their predicament is obvious. Should Labour accept the narrative of renegotiation but opt for different areas to opt out of than those favoured by the Tories? Or should they, like William Borroughs, stand astride history and scream "stop", arguing for a pro-European position? Seemingly caught between the two views, the party's criticism of the government is like those two old-age pensioners in Woody Allen's joke.

David Rennie (aka The Economist's Bagehot) has an excellent column in this week's issue about the difficulties that Britain will face if she tries to repatriate powers from the EU. His main argument, having spoken to a number of senior German politicians and officials, is that if Britain holds up any treaty revisions in the hope of extracting concessions in return, then the other EU states will organise themselves without the UK. The Economist's former Brussels correspondent also makes the key point that the 10 countries that are outside of the euro are not natural allies for the UK – some, like Denmark, do not want to join the euro, but others such as Poland are keen.

This is not Greek tragedy, it is a farce. Prime Minister George Papandreou's idea to hold a referendum on the Greek deal has done the exact opposite of what he must have intended. Instead of giving him a new mandate, it seems it will take the existing one away from him. Several MPs and PASOK officials have called for his resignation or for the formation of a National Unity Government. Some have even resigned, reducing the government's majority in parliament. European reaction has arranged from studied politesse to outrage. Ireland's Europe minister has called the referendum idea a "grenade". Privately, European politicians are seething. The Greek PM must know he has stepped in it, as his closest allies are busy briefing the press about his decision.

A day into his new job, Phillip Hammond would be excused for sitting back and wondering what he has let himself in for. The job of defence secretary is every Tory's dream, and the businessman-turned-politician is well-placed to excel in it. But the armed forces and the Ministry of Defence face a number of challenges that would test even history's greatest defence and war secretaries. Six challenges stand out: 1) To reshape the military's structures, systems and capabilities. This should be done according to the decisions taken in the SDSR to place defence on a surer financial footing.

The Werritty case has made everyone who believes that government is controlled by lobbyists and tycoons slaver. The Guardian screams that Ministers held more than 1,500 meetings with corporate representatives in the first 10 months of the coalition, which presumably the newspapers’ readers know to disapprove of. But how many unionists did Labour meet after a year in office — and how many corporations? The party that declared itself "relaxed" about profit-making presumably met one or two profit-makers. Or did Ed Balls, when he was City minister, stay away from the Square Mile?

A few months ago I hosted a debate at my think tank with one of the key Tahrir Square leaders. After his talk about Egypt, he warned the audience: the protests that toppled Hosni Mubarak were not just an Egyptian or Middle Eastern phenomena; it could – and, he said, would – spread to the West. For the youth of today, he argued, feel disempowered, empoverished and betrayed. As protests spread from New York to London and other European capitals, it seems that Egyptian protester may have been right. Today's efforts to occupy the London stock exchange failed but protesters remain on the grounds of St Paul's Cathedral. Whatever happens in the next days, protests like these are likely to appear, disappear and appear again.

Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, Ukraine’s foreign minister, clearly has his work cut out for him. The conviction of former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko by a Pechersk court to a seven year prison sentence has been seen, almost universally, as a piece of bully-boy politics, which will set back Ukraine’s links with the EU. NATO has made clear it is "disappointed" by the sentence handed down while several European foreign ministers, including Foreign Secretary William Hague, have expressed their concern. I fielded these questions to Ukraine’s foreign minister via email. Daniel Korski: The conviction of Yulia Tymoshenko is clearly a foreign policy mess for Ukraine, giving that it will most likely set back EU-Ukraine relations.

I've never met Adam Werritty and hadn't even heard of him before a few weeks ago. I'm also of the belief that financial wrongdoing should not be the only test used to judge Liam Fox's suitability for ministerial office. And I don't think the fact that a previous government changed ministers too often is a reason to overlook inappropriate ministerial behaviour. Whether the Defence Secretary, in fact, behaved inappropriately remains to be seen. But the signs are not, at this stage, good – even if the airwaves are now dominated by "Foxies": the Defence Secretary's friend and allies. That said, I think the self-styled advisor is getting an unfair wrap, at least based on the information available to the public.

As William Hague found before last year’s election, getting your voice heard on foreign policy is difficult for an Opposition. You are, at best, reduced to providing commentary to on-going events, vying not with the government for access to the media but with an array of better-informed foreign policy experts. Having a distinctive take on the changes in the world and practical ideas for how to affect change is harder still. You don’t have a 1,500-person strong Foreign Office.   For Labour, there is a different set of problems. Does the party opt for Blairite interventionism, tempered by the fiscal and political realities? If so, what’s the difference to what David Cameron is doing?