An old enemy of England nestles in the pages of today’s Daily Telegraph. Charles Moore travelled to Paris to meet Jacques Delors, the architect of the euro and advocate of Europe’s ‘social dimension’. Moore found defiance where one might have expected humility, perhaps even repentance. Delors insists that the fault was in the execution not the design of the euro.
Nicolas Sarkozy is grudgingly admired by French socialists as a political fighter, capable of thriving even in the most desperate situation. David Cameron is coming to understand what they mean. It is the best of times and the worst of times between Paris and London. Two months ago, David Cameron and Nicolas Sarkozy assumed the victor’s garlands in Benghazi; today, they met at odds, if not yet in animosity, over the contested logic of ever closer union in Europe. Sarkozy appears to have got his wish: the 17 countries of the Eurozone will deepen their economic and political relations in an attempt to save the single currency — and with it, he hopes, France’s economic and political strength on the international stage.
Remember General Well-Being – David Cameron's attempt to come up with a new set of statistics to encapsulate all the things that GDP doesn't? Well one aspect of it, the Office for National Statistics says, is 'subjective well-being'. That is, how do people rate their own well-being? It's not all there is to well-being, we're told – health, personal relationships, job satisfaction and economic security will need to be added to the mix too – but it is an important part. And so, the ONS has set about measuring it. Over the last few months, they've begun asking the public four questions: Overall, how satisfied are you with your life nowadays? Overall, to what extent do you feel the things you do in your life are worthwhile?
When David Cameron sits down for lunch with Nicolas Sarkozy today, he is bound to ask his host how the presidential election is going. In response, President Sarkozy is likely to break into one his wide-faced smiles, and begin moving about energetically, as he tends to do when he is excited. Forget the polls that put Francois Hollande ahead in a two-way race. It is too early to tell what people really think and, crucially, it won't be a two-person race. It is a five-person, two-round election. And so far, Sarkozy is doing very well. Besides Sarkozy and Hollande, four other candidates could make a difference to the outcome: Marine Le Pen, François Bayrou, Eva Joly and Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
Yesterday night's news that a senior FCO official lobbied Oxford University on behalf of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi adds more ordure to the already fetid story of Britain’s role in Colonel Gaddafi’s rehabilitation. The Woolf Inquiry into Saif’s dealings with British universities and businesses found that, 'It was made clear [to Oxford] … that the FCO would appreciate help in this case since Libya was opening up to the West again.' Oxford resisted; but this episode has hardly covered Britain’s elites in glory: the civil service, BAE and august universities are all criticised in Woolf's report.
It was vicious. It was frenetic. It was full of rage and class-hatred. It was great political sport. If you like a serious punch-up, the Commons at mid-day was the place to be. The viewing figures at home were boosted by the many millions of strikers who couldn’t quite make their local anti-cuts demo and were sitting out the revolution with a nice cup of tea and PMQs on the Parliament channel. Ed Miliband started by claiming that the PM had been seen in private rubbing his hands, like Moriarty, and boasting that ‘the unions have walked into my trap’. Cameron, although not denying this, slammed the Labour leader for supporting a strike which had been called in the middle of the negotiations.
We've already heard a lot about Dave's problem with female voters. Melanie McDonagh wrote our cover piece on it in June, and in September there was that memo detailing Number 10's efforts to respond. But, judging by the polls, we may well be hearing even more about it after today's strikes. It seems that, while the government has men broadly on its side in the battle against the unions, women are far less supportive. 51 per cent of men told ComRes that public sector workers are wrong to strike today, but only 42 per cent of women agreed: TNS BMRB asked people whether they thought that the government was right to press ahead with the reforms, or that public sector workers were right to strike against them.
It was a real blood and thunder PMQs today. This was the politics of the viscera; whose side are you on stuff. Ed Miliband chose to start on the strikes. David Cameron ripped into him from the off, calling him ‘irresponsible, left-wing and weak.’ Miliband came back with an attack about how he wasn’t going to demonise dinner ladies who earn less in a year than George Osborne’s annual skiing holiday costs, though he flubbed the line slightly. The Tory benches were in full cry, and throughout the session Cameron kept coming back for another swing at Miliband and the union link.
There's just over a week to go until the crunch EU summit on 8-9 December, so David Cameron has to decide how best to play his cards — and quick. The problem, as Daniel Korski has pointed out, is that Britain faces the risk of ‘structural isolation’ in Europe in the short-term. To counter this, Cameron effectively has two options. First, work with allies on both sides of the euro divide to seek political assurances — formal or informal — against the formation of a two-tier Europe with a more integrated eurozone in the driving seat. Or, second, press ahead with UK-specific carve-outs from the EU structure.
Chatting to people in Brussels last week, I couldn't help feeling that David Cameron's EU problem is one of timing. The PM will probably be able to piece together a repatriation package that includes measures such as a withdrawal from the over-implemented Working Time Directive and a reduction in the EU budget. But none of this is likely to be enough for his party. Indeed, I suspect the budget won't be finalised until two minutes to midnight during the Lithuanian EU Presidency in 2013. Add to this the Tobin Tax, where there seems to be little leeway for the British government. Barosso, Merkel and Sarkozy are determined to introduce it, and even a Eurozone-only tax will harm the City.
A quick post just to add the Guardian's interview with David Cameron to your Saturday reading list. It takes the unusual approach of fielding questions to the PM from a range of ‘public figures’ — and, although many of those questions reduce down to ‘why aren't you giving more money to X?’, the results are still generally engaging and occasionally insightful. And so we learn, after an enquiry by The Spectator's own Toby Young, that Cameron doesn't keep a diary. And we also have the PM justifiying his stance on Europe to Nigel Farage; skipping over a question about what he may or may not have inhaled during his time at Eton; claiming that ‘not everything [Gordon Brown] did was wrong’; and more besides.
Strikes, Olympic boycotts and obesity league tables — it's a dreary set of newspaper front covers this morning. But none of them are quite so dreary as the Telegraph's, which speaks of ‘The return of recession’. According to their story, the OECD has told ministers that its latest set of forecasts, released on Monday, will have the UK economy shrinking for the first six months of next year. They're not the first forecasting organisation to suggest a double-dip — going by the Treasury's overview of indpendent forecasts, Schroders Investment Management have economic ‘growth’ at -0.4 per cent in 2012 — but they are the most prominent so far. Shudder ye might. Of course, one forecast does not make a recession by itself.
New immigration stats out today show that 2010 set a new record for net migration into the UK. The figure hit 252,000 – a 27 per cent increase on 2009 and 7,000 higher than the previous record in 2004: As this graph shows, the number of immigrants moving to the UK has actually been fairly constant – at around 580,000 – since 2004 (when the 'accession eight' countries in eastern Europe joined the EU). But the number of people leaving the country has dropped off significantly in the past couple of years – from 427,000 in 2008 to 339,000 last year, hence the increase in net migration. So, as Gillian Duffy might ask, where are they flocking from? Here's where the 591,000 people who migrated to the UK last year came from: And why do they come?
Political debate is going to be dominated by the economy between now and the autumn statement. Ed Miliband is trying to use this moment to persuade the public that the Coalition's economic policies have failed. By contrast, the Tories want to highlight how much deeper trouble the country would be in if it did not have the confidence of the bond markets. The Tories hope that this 'stay close to nurse for fear of something worse' approach will eventually deliver an election victory for them in 2015, given how hard Labour is finding it to regain credibility on the economy. As Ben Brogan wrote the other day, this strategy worked for them in 1992 — the campaign on which both Cameron and Hilton cut their political teeth.
The Prime Minister has backed the proposal for a new independent service to sign workers' long-term sicknotes, instead of GPs. The plan, which Pete wrote about at the weekend, is aimed at ensuring that people on sick pay or sickness-related benefits really are too ill to work. Cameron describes how it would work in today's Mail: 'The independent service would be free to all employers from four weeks of sickness absence, with the option for employers to pay for it earlier. It would provide an in-depth assessment of an individual's physical and mental function. So if they're unable to work, they’ll be helped – but if they are fit, they'll be identified and supported back into the workplace.
If Roman Abramovich owned the Labour party, Ed Miliband would be toast by now. The floundering opposition leader gave the sort of inept, predictable and ill-organised performance at PMQs that would get a manager sacked in the Premiership. It scarcely helps that Mr Miliband seems to prepare for these sessions like a deluded psychic. He and his team of prophets at Labour HQ clearly believe they can foretell what the prime minster will say and how best to smash his answers to pieces. Referring to the rise in unemployment, Mr Miliband began by attacking the PM for scrapping the Future Jobs Fund in March. He boasted, rather weirdly, that ‘under Labour, youth unemployment never reached 1 million.
Today's PMQs was a preview of the debate we'll be having after next week's autumn statement. Miliband, struggling with a bit of a cold, tried to pin the economy's problems on Cameron. The Prime Minister's retort was 'who would want to put the people responsible for the current mess back in charge'. It was a simple message and one that carried him through the session. The other feature of today's joust was also a preview of next week: a tussle over the strikes. Cameron said strikes were the 'height of irresponsibility'. He also made sympathetic noises when Tory MPs asked about imposing minimum thresholds for strike ballots.
Yesterday, Fraser wrote that 'reporting of European issues tends to ignore public opinion'. Today, Philip Stephens has neatly illustrated Fraser's point in his Financial Times column. Musing on Britain's possible exit from the European Union, Stephens writes: 'I am not sure this is what the prime minister intends; nor, when it comes to it, that British voters will accept such an outcome.' Stephens' conjecture ignores the European Union's own polling, which, as Fraser says, shows most Britons to be hostile to the EU. That said, Stephens' article is substantial. He argues that 'fiscal union carries its own remorseless logic: the progressive exclusion of Britain from Europe’s economic decision-making'.
Someone forgot to pack his handbag. We heard yesterday that David Cameron has agreed to let Merkel pursue full fiscal union – and in return she will... drum roll please... let him repatriate parts of the Working Time Directive. There's nothing official from Number 10, but the well-informed Ben Brogan suggests this morning that this could well be Britain's price for agreeing to Merkel's deal. If so, this would be an opportunity squandered on a massive – perhaps historic – scale. Let's recap. Cameron is in an incredibly powerful position: leading a government which is, in defiance of public opinion, giving £9 billion of overseas aid to EU member states each year.
There is a growing acceptance in government that the South East needs more airport capacity. But, as today's Times outlines, there's nowhere near agreement on how best to achieve this. The big problem with a new airport on the Kent coast or 'Boris Island' is that the Dutch would not be prepared to open up the necessary air space. They control most of the air above the North Sea under international treaty because of Schiphol airport. I understand that feelers put out to the Dutch on this matter have been rebuffed. Another option is Heathwick. The idea is that an extra runway is built at Gatwick and then the two airports are joined together by a high-speed rail line. Initial work suggests that journey time between the two airports would be just 15 minutes.