Donald trump

“I don’t think there’s anything that’s going to get me into heaven,” Donald Trump told a group of journalists aboard Air Force One in October. “I think I’m not, maybe, heaven-bound.” “My phone started blowing up,” says Paula White-Cain, Trump’s senior advisor to the White House Faith Office. “I went and looked at it because I didn’t see it live and I knew he was joking. People critique him if he’s too prideful. And then if there’s a part of humility in him, they’re critiquing him for that.” Trump first called her in the early 2000s after seeing her preach on a Christian broadcast in Palm Beach. He thought she had the “It” factor. “It’s interesting because that’s what he called it,” she tells me.

“I love inflation,” said Donald Trump earlier this month, when asked about the latest increase in the Consumer Prices Index to an annualized 4.2 percent. But the power of the President’s positive thinking cannot overwhelm the enormous threat that rising prices pose to his legacy. The new figure is more than an inconvenience or a technicality. It could bring about a sharp change in the political order. Rising costs will likely prove to be Trump’s undoing and present the Democrats with a free hit for November’s midterms and beyond. There was one reason above all others why Trump returned to the White House in 2024: high inflation during the Biden years. His 2016 slogan, “Make America Great Again,” morphed into “Make America Affordable Again.

One of my earliest memories – I was not quite three and a half – is of being with my mother in a tea shop one Saturday morning. She had run into a friend, who used a word I had never heard before, and being a tiresome child I asked what it meant. The word was “assassination.” John F. Kennedy had been shot the previous day, and the talk, even in the English provinces, was of little else. In the 1960s one was assailed by American culture, but it was a form of imperialism that few found objectionable. America’s music bawled from radios. Its programs larded the schedules of our three television channels. Its films filled cinemas. Some of its usages were creeping into our language.

There are several reasons to think we won’t see a blue wave in this year’s midterm elections. A basic one is that the Democratic party simply isn’t very popular. In late May, Donald Trump’s approval ratings in the RealClear polling aggregate stood around 40 percent, which sounds bad. Yet Trump is more popular than his party – approval of the Republican brand was in the vicinity of 38 percent. And the Democrats’ ratings were even worse – standing, or one might say wilting, at about 36 percent. Those figures are not to be confused with “generic ballot” polling, which asks voters which party they would prefer in the forthcoming election. Democrats have lately enjoyed a lead of some seven points over the GOP in that category.

“Woke is officially DEAD,” Donald Trump announced last summer. That has been a common refrain since the 2024 election: the anti-western, anti-white, pro-transgender ideology is over. The excesses of left-wing radicalism have been rejected. Sadly, nothing could be further from the truth. We’re all still living under the yoke of woke. Just look at Chicago. Over the Memorial Day weekend, 38 people were injured by gunfire and two were shot dead. Five police officers were hurt when a car drove into a crowd amid widespread disorder. This happened in a city where the Democratic mayor, Brandon Johnson, promised to defund the police.