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Common sense submerged

The waters of the River Avon, recounted the vicar of Bengeworth, outside Evesham, ‘reached almost to the keystone of the arch of the bridge, and extended up Port Street to the public pump on the south side of the street... The waters of the River Avon, recounted the vicar of Bengeworth, outside Evesham, ‘reached almost to the keystone of the arch of the bridge, and extended up Port Street to the public pump on the south side of the street, so that inhabitants were compelled to pass out of their houses through the upper windows, and were thence conveyed by boats along the street’.

One of us

As Spectator readers would have expected, this magazine was an early and enthusiastic backer of Boris Johnson as the next Mayor of London. On 4 July we gave him our official endorsement and urged him to run on our Coffee House blog (new.spectator.co.uk/coffeehouse). Now that he has thrown his bandana in the ring, we shall be providing regular updates on Boris’s progress: Toby Young, who will cover the campaign in these pages and online, delivers his opening despatch on p14 and his first video diary can be seen on our website.Yet our support for a former editor reflects much more than tribal loyalty. His entry to the race has been an energising moment in British politics.

Politics | 21 July 2007

Beneath the dynamic surface, Brown is dismantling Blair’s public service reforms When ministerial limousines line Great Smith Street in Westminster it is normally a sign that the Cinnamon Club is doing brisk trade. This upmarket Indian restaurant has become so popular with MPs that it has wired up a division bell in its foyer to tell them when to vote. But last Wednesday evening the attraction lay in the building opposite, where the Trades Unions Congress was holding its summer reception. Inside, newly promoted ministers and unionists were gladhanding each other like old friends. Gordon Brown was, naturally, the star attraction.

Wakefield is probably wrong about MMR, but I am glad he has taken his stand

Dr Andrew Wakefield, if he is still a doctor by the time you read this, seems to be a baddun. A disciplinary panel heard that when children arrived at his house for a birthday party he grabbed a syringe and extracted blood from each one of them, giving the kids five pounds in exchange. Some fainted or vomited following this unexpected procedure, just before the cake was cut. So, already we have a vampire trope to be going on with. Also, he now works at a clinic in West Texas, the last worldly refuge of all manner of scoundrels.

Global warning | 21 July 2007

Public affairs vex no man, said Doctor Johnson, and I know what he meant. He, however, did not live as we do in an age of information in which, without retiring entirely to bed, it is next to impossible to dodge the headlines altogether. Besides, there’s something extraordinarily tonic in vexation: it is to my muse what Galvani’s electrical current was to frogs’ legs. Is there anyone so dull of soul that he does not enjoy a little light indignation now and then?

Cameron is not sunk. But we need to know what his Britain would be like…

The Conservative leader needs to get his mojo back. At least he had some to start with, mojo not being a quality much associated with his predecessors: ‘That often elusive quality that sets a person apart from everyone else. The word “magic” could, almost without exception, replace it in all of its contexts, sentences or applications.’ So says urbandictionary.com and it should know. Yet something has gone wrong with Dave’s magic. We are approaching the point when the Conservative chances at the next election will either crystallise or begin to break apart. Having risen to 37-38 per cent in the polls, Mr Cameron is drifting downwards — well away from the 41 per cent minimum he needs to contend for victory.

This is not a moral crusade

A fortnight ago we urged David Cameron to raise his game after Gordon Brown’s impressively bold start as Prime Minister. A fortnight ago we urged David Cameron to raise his game after Gordon Brown’s impressively bold start as Prime Minister. In his response to the report by Iain Duncan Smith’s social justice policy group, the Tory leader has done just that. Mr Cameron has sounded focused, impatient to improve the state of the nation, and visibly determined to take on the new PM and defeat him. Although the proposed £20 per week boost to married couples has inevitably dominated the headlines, it is only one of many sensible recommendations to emerge from Mr Duncan Smith’s 671-page report.

Hearts and minds

‘Among all criminals and murderers, the most dangerous type is the criminal physician.’ ‘Among all criminals and murderers, the most dangerous type is the criminal physician.’ So said Dr Miklos Nyiszli, a Jewish prisoner at Auschwitz who acted as pathologist to Josef Mengele. The unspeakable depravities of the Nazi doctors were catalogued at the Nuremberg Medical Trial, which led to the conviction of 15 German physicians and scientists. The discovery that those arrested in connection with the planned car-bomb attacks have links with the NHS, as doctors, medical students and technicians, and that the Royal Alexandra Hospital in Paisley appears to have been the headquarters of the cell, is deeply shocking.

Politics | 7 July 2007

Don’t mention the war on terror — even if we’re winning it The war on terror is over — or at least has been purged from the vocabulary of Gordon Brown’s government. The phrase, he has decided, will never be mentioned by any of his ministers. The men who attempted to attack a London nightclub and Glasgow Airport are ‘criminals’ and not warriors. It is only a matter of terminology, of course, but Mr Brown knows the power of semantics. With no formal announcement, British policy towards global terror has changed fundamentally. Jack Straw has longed for such a day.

Clunk!

Rarely has there been such a triumph of expectation management as the arrival in No. 10 of the new Prime Minister. Only eight weeks ago, Labour was agonising over the loss of 900 council seats in England, the victory of the SNP in Scotland and the gloomy prospect of Gordon Brown’s succession. The then Chancellor’s depressed share price was always hugely to his advantage and, displaying the awesome patience which is one of his most formidable qualities, he bided his time before pouncing. Since the launch of his campaign — really a victory lap — he has been confounding expectations, visibly more relaxed, but also more nimble, unleashing a series of surprises upon his party and his opponents which have changed perceptions of what he might be like as PM.

A long time in politics

By the time the next issue of The Spectator hits the news-stands, Tony Blair will have battled his way through his last EU summit; the Labour party will have elected a new leader and deputy leader; and Britain will have a new Prime Minister who will be busy forming his government. Harold Wilson’s over-quoted remark that a week is a long time in politics is, in this case, entirely apposite (Joseph Chamberlain’s version was that ‘there is no use looking beyond the next fortnight’). Such intelligence as has seeped out of the Treasury suggests that Gordon Brown’s reshuffle will be wide and deep: but it should be stressed that planning such a reorganisation is very different from its execution.

It is time for Cameron to shape the team that he thinks can chase Brown from office

Boris Johnson is being rather coy about his chances for promotion. ‘Statistically, I am due to be fired again,’ he tells this month’s GQ magazine. ‘It may be that the psychological effort needed to haul myself around into a more gaffe-free zone proves too difficult.’ This is not the orthodox view: most in Westminster consider this magazine’s former editor overdue a promotion. The only question, as for other rising Tory stars, is: to what job? The new Conservative line-up has been the subject of frenzied gossip for months. For a while, there was a theory that Mr Cameron would announce his new team before Gordon Brown became Prime Minister — as an act of sheer bravado. ‘It would show that we run our own agenda,’ one aide told me.

Are we bothered?

In describing his relationship with the press, Thomas Jefferson said that he had been ‘used as the property of the newspapers, a fair mark for every man’s dirt’. Yet the third President of the United States was also a zealous champion of press freedom. ‘Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government,’ he wrote in 1787, ‘I should not hesitate for a moment to prefer the latter.’ It is safe to say, on the basis of his speech at Reuters this week, that Tony Blair does not share Jefferson’s analysis. The outgoing Prime Minister has been at his most impressive when phlegmatic and philosophical about the media.

Vlad the Blackmailer

‘We will have to get new targets in Europe,’ Vladimir Putin said in an interview last week. ‘Which weapons will be used ...ballistic missiles, cruise missiles or some completely new systems — that’s a technical matter.’ The apparent purpose of this outburst was geopolitical blackmail. Ostensibly at least, the Russian President was warning George W. Bush of terrible consequences should the US pursue its plan to station anti-missile defence systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. Not quite Khrushchev banging his shoe, but the closest that Mr Putin has come to such tactics. Speaking in advance of the G8 summit in Germany, President Bush parried with an attack on Mr Putin’s human rights record.

The next general election will be won and lost on the internet

Most elections produce a defining campaign event. In 1979 it was Margaret Thatcher’s enlistment of Saatchi & Saatchi and the ‘Labour Isn’t Working’ posters. In 1987 it was the party political broadcast that became known as ‘Kinnock The Movie’. The year 1992 is remembered for the Tories’ devastatingly negative tax bombshell broadcasts. The next campaign is likely to be remembered as Britain’s first internet election. It will certainly be the first election when a large proportion of stories is broken by bloggers. It could be the first election when the best political ads are made on the home computers of political geeks rather than in the glassy offices of expensive advertising agencies.

Join the Brady Bunch

Why has the Tory grammar- school row raged for so long? It is glib to suggest, as some have, that it is simply filling a news vacuum as the political world awaits the ascension of Prime Minister Brown and averts its gaze from the slow car crash of the Labour deputy leadership contest. The truth is that Mr Brown and the six contenders to succeed John Prescott cannot believe their luck. Just when Labour was expecting embarrassing scrutiny of Mr Brown’s coronation and the Wacky Races of the battle for the deputy’s job, the Conservatives have contrived to mount an unexpectedly protracted bout of ‘Tory turmoil’: the first since David Cameron became leader in December 2005.

If Cameron thinks this is tough, just wait till he gets into the ring against Brown

Even from his holiday home in Crete, David Cameron will be able to sense the waves of schism and confusion which engulf his party this week. Parliament is not sitting, yet the grammar schools row has already triggered one shadow ministerial resignation, with the threat of more to come. It is enough to make Gordon Brown’s allies salivate: the Tories have been pole-axed by a news story which originated in their own head office. How will they cope with the tricks which the next Prime Minister has in store? Until now, the Cameron machine has faced remarkably little hostile fire. Mr Brown had urged an all-out assault from the very beginning, but was vetoed by Mr Blair. When No.

Delusions of grandeur

Here is what Alan Johnson, the Education Secretary, told a Fabian Society and Progress debate for the Labour deputy leadership contenders on 16 May: ‘For our party audience, if you said, yes, we will ban those grammar schools where they exist at the moment, it would get a round of applause. The reason why the [Labour] National Policy Forum who discussed this at length have not gone to that step is quite simple: we would lose Gloucester, we would lose Slough. The people who are telling us that are MPs in those areas who fiercely oppose selective education, so this is the real cardinal point, if we want to carry out our policies, we have to be in power, and we have to be aware in deciding our policies what that will do for our chances of being elected to government. Realpolitik.

Cameron has a good case: shame he’s got diverted by the grammar schools row

For some time, David Cameron has been looking for an unpopular education policy. To be heard, he believes, one needs to be attacked. He has already been denounced for his ‘hug a hoodie’ speech and for promoting the family. The ensuing arguments, he feels, moved the party forward. So how to repeat the trick with education? He only half-jokingly rejected proposals as being ‘not unpopular enough’. Well: if it was a fight he was after, he will not have been disappointed. The past week in Westminster has been not about Gordon Brown or his ideas for the future, but about the Conservatives and their internal battle over grammar schools. David Willetts has had more exposure in the past week than he has in his entire career as shadow education secretary.

Cameron fails the test

The most perceptive indictment of the Blair era was delivered, in an admirably candid speech last September, by Alan Milburn (interviewed by Fraser Nelson on page 14). Describing his own rise from a council estate to the ranks of the Cabinet, Mr Milburn asked, ‘Do we think that for a child growing up today in one of Britain’s poorest estates such mobility is possible or likely? Sadly, I think not.’ That observation should inspire the core mission statement of the next Conservative government. Asked about his gilded schooling at Eton and youthful indiscretions, David Cameron has stuck to the mantra that a person’s origins should be irrelevant: ‘What matters most of all is what you’re going to do.