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If there is such a thing as e-panic, New Labour is in its grip. Alarmed and caught off guard by the 1.7 million people who have signed an online petition against national road-pricing, the Prime Minister has written a response to them, hastily explaining that the government’s blameless intention is to reduce congestion, rather than to raise a new ‘stealth tax’ or bolster the state’s surveillance powers. ‘Let me be clear straight away,’ says Mr Blair, before doing just the opposite. ‘We have not made any decision about national road-pricing. Indeed we are simply not yet in a position to do so.

Blair takes ‘the stabilisers off the Basra bike’: how long before it falls?

The Shatt al-Arab hotel in Basra offers arguably the most wretched four-star accommodation in the Arab world. It has flushing toilets, but that is where the luxury ends. Its swimming pool is now a rubbish tip, and water has not passed through its taps for months. It has long been unclear to its only guests, the 1st Staffordshire Regiment, what purpose they serve by staying there other than to provide target practice for the militias who launch missiles into the building every day. Finally the army has wearied of this. There is no point to their remaining, so the troops are coming home. The Prime Minister did not quite phrase it like this on Wednesday. The picture he painted of Basra was necessarily broad-brush — too much detail and his thesis would have fallen apart.

A nation of babysitters

First, let us not submit to the self-indulgence of moral panic: there has never been a time when British children have been less afflicted by poverty, disease and malnutrition. The new Unicef league table for ‘child well-being’ across 21 industrialised countries, for all its disturbing statistics, gives little sense of historical perspective. Much of the information it collates is seven or eight years out of date. The report also idealises the notion of childhood and, in its litany of figures, glosses over the reality of human experience through the ages.

After Blair’s Big Tent, Brown plans a Big Football Stadium of popular causes

The 2018 World Cup is, by every measure, a long way off. Fifa intends to take three years to decide on which continent the tournament should be hosted, and only then start thinking about a specific country. Even the Football Association (which would submit a bid for England) has not yet come to a decision. But one fan is agitating already. Gordon Brown has commissioned a Treasury feasibility study and is already talking up Britain’s chances. The football world may not be ready, but the British political calendar cannot wait. There is something about a campaign for a sporting tournament which allows a politician to speak on a special frequency to sports fans: the ref’s whistle rather than the dog whistle, so to speak.

The cockpit of truth

The tragic death in Iraq of Lance Corporal of Horse Matty Hull under US ‘friendly fire’ in March 2003 has become a bleak parable of the flaws at the heart of the US-UK ‘special relationship’. Only now, and only thanks to a leak to the Sun of a classified recording of the conversation between two American pilots, has the precise nature of the accident become clear. As terrible as that error was, however, it is much more comprehensible than the disgraceful saga of bureaucracy and disdain which it triggered. All servicemen accept that there is a risk that they will be hit by friendly fire, or that they will fire on their own side by mistake.

Lords reform will not be enough to wipe away the shame of loans for peerages

It is a strange form of bombardment. Days, sometimes weeks, can pass without any movement from the Metropolitan Police and it seems as if the all-clear is about to be sounded above the Downing Street bunker. Then, from nowhere, comes another arrest, a fresh revelation, and the turmoil starts again. Even the sadist in Gordon Brown will have seen enough by now, knowing that the pain inflicted on Tony Blair is inflicting lasting damage to the reputation of the party Brown will soon lead. Once, the Chancellor hoped to draw a line under the disastrous loans-for-honours debacle with a triple whammy of legislation. He would agree a deal on party funding, the honours system and House of Lords reform which, together, could be billed as a new constitutional covenant.

Things get better — for betting

In a free society, people are at liberty to gamble, much as they are at liberty to drink alcohol, smoke cigarettes and engage in other practices which, if indulged to excess, can have terrible consequences. Gambling has wrecked lives and enlivened others. The morality of a casino is in the eye of the beholder: one man’s den of iniquity is another’s harmless pleasure-dome. A government’s responsibility is to provide a framework of regulation that meets Parliament’s approval, and then to stand well back. On this reckoning, the proposed super-casino in Manchester is hardly a threat to western civilisation. The planned complex sounds truly ghastly: a site of 5,000 square metres packed with up to 1,250 fruit machines, a shrine to low-rent leisure pursuits.

What loans-for-honours really shows is that nobody believes a word No. 10 says any more

If nothing else, Lord Levy has at least learnt the etiquette of being investigated by police. When he was first detained last July, he contemptuously accused officers of using ‘totally unnecessary’ tactics. On Tuesday, he emerged from the police station without a word — and said, through friends, that he was feeling ‘on very good form’. This is remarkable, given that His Lordship had just been arrested on suspicion of perverting the course of justice. But it is also polite. The police shrugged off Lord Levy’s criticism last July. What baffled them was his claim to have co-operated fully with their inquiry. In fact, he could hardly have been less accommodating to the detectives who questioned him.

Wise quacks

The best passage in President Bush’s penultimate State of the Union address on Tuesday was an admission of the transience of his own administration and of the newly composed Congress he was addressing. ‘The war on terror we fight today,’ he said, ‘is a generational struggle that will continue long after you and I have turned our duties over to others.’ The many disappointments of the Bush presidency have already been chronicled. But the conflict into which the West was driven on 9/11 will long survive him, as it will Tony Blair’s premiership. Confronted with a new and restless Congress, the President is the lamest of lame ducks. To say the least, he will have his work cut out between now and 20 January 2009, when the 44th President is inaugurated.

Across Whitehall, you can hear the bleating of Blairites, defeated by the system

Just after the 2001 election, the triumphant Tony Blair had a plan: he would split the Home Office in two. The PM had been appalled by its performance in New Labour’s first term and had already decided to move Jack Straw to the Foreign Office. But the problem, he feared, could only be solved by creating two new departments. Peter Mandelson urged him to proceed — yet, in the event, both were talked out of it by the Civil Service. I am told that Mr Blair has regretted this ever since. He will now have his revenge from beyond the political grave. John Reid’s new blueprint to create two distinct departments — Justice and Security — is unlikely to be enacted until Mr Blair has left No. 10.

United we stand

The 300th anniversary this week of the Act of Union between England and Scotland has been a depressingly defensive event rather than a festival of celebration. In the Daily Telegraph, Gordon Brown — that indefatigable champion of ‘Britishness’ — warned against the ‘Balkanisation of Britain’. The Scottish National Party is poised to form the largest party in the Scottish Parliament after the May elections, and is promising a referendum on the future of the Union. The psychological reflex of the English — 61 per cent of them, according to a BBC Newsnight poll — is to demand an English Parliament. In some ways this is a strange time for Scottish nationalists to be flexing their muscles.

‘Social responsibility’ is a bad name for a good idea: Cameron is truly on to something this time

How much does a hamburger really cost? Within this question, as one of David Cameron’s senior advisers explained to me, lies the Conservatives’ new driving philosophy. A Big Mac costs £1.99. But if children guzzle too many they become obese and inflict a burden on the National Health Service. The taxpayer funds this treatment — so the burger costs more than the child’s family originally pays. Might a responsible Tory government ensure the child pays what the burger truly costs? In an underground auditorium on the Strand on Monday, Mr Cameron convened a one-day conference to discuss such issues. Speakers were lined up and copies of a book of his speeches were piled up outside.

It’s the incompetence, stupid

If a week is a long time in politics, then 13 years is a positive eternity. In 1994 it emerged that the new Leader of the Opposition, Tony Blair, had sent his eldest child, Euan, to the London Oratory School — a school that had opted out of town hall control under a Conservative policy strongly opposed by Labour. ‘Any parent wants the best for their children,’ Mr Blair said at the time. ‘I am not going to make a choice for my child on the basis of what is the politically correct thing to do.’ Far from damaging the Labour leader, his robust defence of his family’s decision burnished his claim to be a champion of parental choice, dissatisfied with standards in the comprehensive system and determined to do something about it.

A cautious welcome

The news bulletins over the Christmas holiday were dominated by the vengeful execution of the deposed leader of a ruinous country. The leader, of course, was Nicolae Ceaucescu, the country Romania and the year 1989. That Romania, together with Bulgaria, has just made the then unthinkable step of joining the European Union — the conditions of membership of which have required it to prove it is a modern democratic nation — ought to be a matter for celebration in its own right. Moreover, it should provide some optimism as to how far Iraq — though hardly likely ever to become a member of the EU — might have travelled as post-totalitarian democracy in 17 or 18 years’ time.

We already know what the political event of 2007 will be, so let’s move on

It is clear from the Prime Minister’s new year message (issued somewhat surreally from the Florida home of the Bee Gee Robin Gibb) that he has already entered elder statesman mode. His theme was that Mr Brown must continue along the path which Mr Blair claims to have set: ‘[Labour] is dominating the battle of ideas. It will continue to do so provided it continues to be New Labour. This isn’t just about policy, though it is certainly about taking the tough decisions that prepare Britain for the future. It is also about our instincts, our ability to keep the core coalition together.’ In other words, the Prime Minister was telling Mr Brown to be like him or face the electoral consequences.

The Year of the Voter

One thing is certain about the political year ahead: No. 10 will have a new occupant well before the end of 2007. Not since Eden’s long struggle to replace Churchill has an heir-apparent had to wait as long as Gordon Brown, and the sheer duration of his battle to dislodge Tony Blair has taken a terrible toll on both of them. Assuming there is no late upset — no last-minute dash for the tape by John Reid — the Chancellor will get his wish at last in the next few months. Much is made of Mr Brown’s alleged plans for his ‘first 100 days’. In truth, his most pressing task will be to persuade the electorate that it is their concerns, rather than the leadership succession alone, that has driven him all these years.

Two hundred years after its abolition, the slave trade will return to haunt Britain in 2007

It is hard to describe the Slave Trade Abolition Bill 1807 as a Labour victory, given that it predates the party by a century. Still, this does not deter Tony Blair or Gordon Brown from staking their claim to it. ‘The reactionaries told us that to abolish slavery was an impossible cause,’ the Chancellor recently declared to Labour members. Abolition was a great victory against ‘Tory money’, said the Prime Minister. On the eve of the bicentennial year of William Wilberforce’s legislation, both men are preparing to take a vicarious (if wholly undeserved) bow. Set aside the fact that Wilberforce was a Tory MP. Messrs Blair and Brown make a deeper error in presuming that slavery has been banished from Britain. It has come back — and on their watch.

Evil at a holy time

The juxtaposition of the sacred and the unholy is always shocking. This week, as we attend carol services, decorate our trees and prepare for Christmas with a levity of spirit, the news from Ipswich provides an unbearably horrible counterpoint. In the first ten days of this murder investigation, the bodies of five women were discovered relatively close to one another in Suffolk. The psychosis that underpins these murders remains a matter of pure speculation, but the killer is evidently animated by a savage desire to slaughter as many prostitutes as he can, as quickly as he can. Peter Sutcliffe, the Yorkshire Ripper, spread out his 13 murders over six years. The Ipswich killings have more in common with Jack the Ripper’s murder of six women in three months.

A Notting Hill Nobody at Noel

Monday Now I know why they call it the unhappiness agenda. Am suicidal. I never want to have anything to do with ‘social justice’ again. I shouldn’t have even been at the press conference, but Dave was nervous after things went a bit nuclear at the weekend, so nothing left to chance. Captain Smithy — Mr IDS-Pod himself — was wired up with a team backstage shouting answers into his ear. Afterwards, his people asked if I wanted to join them for a late lunch. What could be nicer, I thought, imagining a cabbage and beetroot smoothie in one of the usual hangouts. Well! Call me Ms Picky, but I just don’t think it’s very appropriate to get blotto in London’s most exclusive restaurant after launching a report on poverty and addiction.

IDS has made the family a frontline issue again, but John Hutton is ready to fight back

Iain Duncan Smith must have dreamed about the moment he would stun the Blair government into silence. Derision was the government’s main response to his interventions when he was Conservative leader and, even a year after his ‘quiet man’ conference speech, Labour MPs still amused themselves by saying ‘sshh’ when he rose to speak in the Chamber. Now, after three years spent thinking and rebuilding his political identity, he has returned to the front line with a report on social breakdown — and one to which Labour seems quite unable to respond. IDS’s Social Justice Commission was set up to address the break-up of families, a social trend which has vastly accelerated under Labour.