Isabel Hardman

Isabel Hardman

Isabel Hardman is assistant editor of The Spectator and author of Why We Get the Wrong Politicians. She also presents Radio 4’s Week in Westminster.

George Osborne focuses on big picture and trust to undermine Labour

How can the Conservatives deal with Labour's attack on the cost of living? As I explained last week, the party believes that the best way to address the opposition's focus on living standards is to talk about the bigger picture rather than the 'footling little things'. Senior Tories I've spoken to in the past week are very confident indeed that because they enjoy the trust of voters on the economy, while voters still blame Labour for the mess, they don't need to worry about the strategy that Ed Miliband has adopted. One senior figure remarked to me this weekend that 'Labour has mis-fired: when we've got such a poll lead on the economy, why should voters think anything Labour has to say about cost of living is credible?

William Hague is charming, but what he says won’t satisfy the Eurosceptics

William Hague has to be one of the most charming men in the Cabinet. Today, rather than attacking his Lib Dem colleagues for being 'woolly', as Philip Hammond did, the Foreign Secretary made the case for a majority Conservative government by saying quite politely, at the end of a long list of British foreign policy achievements, 'And all that in a Coalition: just think what we could accomplish on our own'. Delegates loved that.

Philip Hammond: Britain can do better than a blank sheet of paper or the Lib Dems

listen to ‘Hammond: 'A Conservative government will never send our forces in to battle without the right kit'’ on Audioboo Philip Hammond's speech to the Conservative conference was accompanied by the set of circumstances that most ministers have bad dreams about after eating too much cheese. First he was interrupted by two men in military clothing, shouting about defence cuts and fusiliers. 'I'll come and talk to you later, let me finish my speech,' the Defence Secretary said, hopefully. The man didn't stop, and was escorted from the floor, followed by a cloud of journalists scribbling away and enthusiastic photographers. Then the giant screens behind Hammond that were beaming two massive shots of his head out across the Manchester Central hall went dead.

Grant Shapps: Britain can do better than a Labour government

Manchester Central is a beautiful, cavernous conference venue. But it also seems to be acting as a bit of an atmosphere sink today. When Grant Shapps bounded onto the conference stage after the party's tribute to Baroness Thatcher, he might have expected that his speech, which was full of the sort of fare that Tory grassroots love - attacks on Labour and the trade unions and a reminder that Abu Qatada no longer haunts these shores - would have gone down to uproarious applause. But though delegates clearly liked his speech, they never really warmed up. If this continues through the week, it won't help diminish the impression that political conferences are dying.

How strong can the Tory tax attack be?

One of the key dividing lines in 2015 will be over what sort of action each of the parties proposes to take over filling the financial black hole. The choice is between tax rises and spending cuts, and the Tories were first out of the blocks to make clear that they want to focus on spending cuts, specifically shaving more money from the welfare bill, as part of their election offer. James first revealed this in his Mail on Sunday column in June, and then George Osborne ruled out tax rises at a press gallery lunch the following month. At the time, he said: 'I think this can be delivered through spending and savings both in welfare and in departments, and there is no need for tax rises to contribute to that fiscal consolidation.

David Cameron unveils £1,000 marriage tax allowance

That the Conservatives were going to announce a marriage tax allowance at their party conference had to be one of the worst kept secrets in Westminster since the date of the last general election. So they've managed to go one better than the £750 allowance proposed by their 2010 manifesto with David Cameron announcing in the Daily Mail tomorrow that people will be able to transfer £1,000 of their personal tax allowance to their spouse or civil partner.

‘North-south railway’: the new Tory brand for HS2

When Lord Howell described parts of the North East of England as 'desolate' (or did he mean the North West?), he was talking about shale gas exploitation, but he could have more accurately applied the term to the map of Tory support in the region. The urban north hasn't supported the party since the late 1980s. Seats like Manchester Withington, Newcastle Central and Nottingham North (that last is not in the North, of course, but another example of the urban problem) were once Conservative, but now it's hard to imagine them ever being safe blue seats again. The Tories can win without the urban North, but as their electoral map continues to shrink, it's a risky strategy to let the rot continue.

Even if Miliband really has shifted left, the Tories are staying in the centre

Is Ed Miliband a lefty, or isn't he? That's the big question occupying anyone who isn't trying to sleep off Labour conference before the next political brouhaha begins in Manchester on Sunday. But since the Labour leader appeared to abandon the centre ground and back his own instincts, little has been written about the effect this will have on the Tories' electoral positioning. James argued yesterday that Ed Miliband had done politics a favour by making the 2015 election about competing philosophies. Does this mean the Tories can move to the right too? The answer to that question, is, I'm told by Number 10 sources, very much no.

Caroline Flint gives Lord Mandelson the smackdown over energy bills

Peter Mandelson's criticisms of Ed Miliband's energy policy are probably quite useful for the Labour leadership. They certainly seem to think so. Caroline Flint was dispatched this morning to remind anyone watching BBC News that Labour are the only party standing up for the consumer, while the Tories and naughty Labourites like Mandelson are busy sticking by their evil energy boss chums. She said: 'I know Lord Mandelson has financial interests in energy companies. I don't know if he's just speaking to them, but I'm speaking up for consumers and businesses, who are going to be helped by Labour's policies.

Ed Miliband’s second conference message: ‘bring it on’

If you're looking for two phrases to summarise this year's Labour conference, they'd be 'Britain can do better than this' (in case you missed its fleeting reference in Ed Miliband's speech) and 'bring it on'. Ed Miliband has decided that even though he doesn't poll above his party like Cameron, or have a history of impressing in broadcast and question-and-answer performances like Nick Clegg, he can still enter a presidential-style 2015 election without fear.

The three groups helping Miliband drive his conference message home

The Labour party held a briefing this morning for party campaigners on how they can follow up Ed's speech on the doorstep. Activists had arrived at conference hoping for a simple message that they can sell to a voter in a dressing gown with their arms crossed and a sceptical expression on their face, and now they've got one: frozen energy bills. They were told that campaigning on energy bills wasn't just something they can use on the doorstep this weekend, but a major digital and ground war campaign that is going to go on for months. The idea is to demand that David Cameron freeze bills now, using petitions. The party is handing out these ice cubes, although it quickly ran out at the briefing, with campaigners scrabbling over who should have one, because they carry such a clear message.

Jack Dromey: Labour let Thatcher become the champion of aspiration

When Margaret Thatcher passed away and the broadcasters, newspapers, and casual drinkers in pubs picked over what her legacy really was, one of the key policies mentioned - and praised - time and time again by those from all sides of the political spectrum was the Right to Buy. It was an iconic housing policy that helped people who would never have had a chance of making it onto the housing ladder realise the dream of owning their own property. It was an empowering policy (the detail, of course, is slightly more complicated: the way the policy was designed led to a reduction in the overall size of the social rented sector, but as an iconic gesture to a group of people who were not traditional shire Tories, it's hard to beat this one).

Dr Miliband finally trusts his instincts and prescribes socialism to make Britain better

For three years, though we've been told all about who Ed Miliband is, we've often wondered whether we're getting his real thoughts when he speaks. The Labour leader has often given the impression that he doesn't trust his instincts, that he thinks that he should be speaking from the centre ground rather than as 'Red Ed', and that his forays into tougher welfare and immigration policies are things he'd rather not do. But today the Labour leader decided to embrace what he truly believes in: big government. Big socialist government. He announced price controls - 'if we win the election in 2015 the next Labour government will freeze gas and electricity prices until the start of 2017' - and a 'use it or lose it' planning policy that seems to include beefing up compulsory purchase orders.

How the Tories made it easy for Labour on OBR announcement

Naturally, the leader's speech is the most important part of the Labour conference, but the general feeling behind the scenes is that things are going pretty well. Sunday was a bit of a messy day, although strategists think the childcare announcements are still an overall win. But yesterday went extremely well - good speeches from Ed Balls and Chuka Umunna and only a little bit of chuntering from Len McCluskey. And the reason a lot of MPs feel it went particularly well is that the Tories played into their hands on Ed Balls' announcement on the OBR. The Shadow Chancellor wasn't just trying to improve trust in politics, as he claimed yesterday, by calling for the OBR to audit opposition parties' manifestos. He was also setting up a test for the Tories.

The uncertainty about Labour’s uncertainty on HS2

So now there isn't just uncertainty over Labour's support for HS2, but also uncertainty over the uncertainty after Maria Eagle tried her best to deliver as upbeat a speech as possible about the high speed rail link. The Shadow Transport Secretary did deal with the issue, and she made clear that Labour's support is now conditional. But what she didn't do was suggest that Labour was questioning the value of the whole project. Eagle told the conference hall: 'That's why we support High Speed 2. And, unlike the Tories, no blank cheque for any government project.

Labour conference: who knew about HS2?

Labour's Shadow Transport Secretary Maria Eagle has the unenviable task this morning of standing up in front of the conference and trying to espouse Ed Balls' new We-don't-know-to-HS2 strategy. The Shadow Chancellor didn't say he was dropping Labour's support for it yesterday, but neither did he say that this new North/South railway is going to be Britain's national ambition and will solve everyone's problems. When you tell a packed conference hall that a project your party has previously been gung-ho for has question marks over whether its £50bn cost is worth it, you're giving the best indication you can that it's heading for a derailment. So how will Eagle address the HS2 problem?

Ed Miliband’s give and take away business strategy

Far be it from anyone to criticise a party that wants to build more homes, but Ed Miliband's plan to announce in his speech that Labour would build 200,000 new homes a year by 2020 isn't a particularly interesting one. It's not that it's not a good idea to fix our broken housing market, but that politically it's a reasonably predictable move. Which probably means it's a good thing, and it certainly fits in with the party's cost of living drive. But there is another policy being unveiled today that's more interesting because it tells us something important about the way Labour relates to groups and organisations around it. Labour is trying to work out what its relationship with business should be.

Len McCluskey: My party, my way, or the highway

So far the tensions in the Labour party over Ed Miliband's plan to reform the link with the trade unions have stayed below the surface at this conference. The closest it came was, unsurprisingly, when Len McCluskey took to the stage. The Unite leader made another plea for the unions to 'set our vision of how we will build our country in government', and told the leadership (Ed Miliband had strangely disappeared from the stage at this point) that 'if OUR party is to have a future it must speak for ordinary workers and it must represent the voice of organised labour'. He also made his customary attack on the Blairite 'Them' that he likes to talk about whenever he defends the role of trade unions, saying: 'Zero hours in another age.