Gavin Mortimer

The feel-good factor Emmanuel Macron hoped would surge through France following their World Cup win has failed to materialise. The president milked the success for all it was worth but he has been swiftly brought down to earth with a bump. It was actually more of a thump, administered by his now ex-chief bodyguard Alexandre Benalla, who was caught on camera beating a protestor while dressed as a policeman during a May Day march earlier this year. Since the story broke eight days ago, it has dominated the French media. Had the president's people come clean the day the footage was first broadcast by Le Monde, the story wouldn't have developed in the way that it has.

It’s not surprising that so many Frenchmen and women partied in Paris last Sunday to celebrate their country's World Cup success. The French side played with style and panache and deserved their victory; there’s also the fact that France hasn’t had much to cheer about in recent years when it comes to sport so they’re entitled to bask in the glory of Les Bleus. As well as cheers last week there were also some jeers – and spits and slaps – all of them aimed at the British cyclist Chris Froome as he peddled up and down mountains in the Tour de France.

Jean-Marie Le Pen turned 90 last month and to celebrate he threw a party on Saturday for 350 guests. His three daughters were present, including Marine, whose attendance signalled the end of two years of hostility. The pair fell out when she expelled him from the National Front for repeating his belief that the Holocaust was "a detail of history". The rapprochement between father and daughter is also a political move on her part. Marine Le Pen knows she messed up in last year's presidential campaign by focusing on Frexit when the National Front's strategy should have centred on mass immigration and Islamic extremism. Ahead of next May's European elections, she is going back to the party's basics, and her father's endorsement will help her in that respect.

Emmanuel Macron is becoming quite the curmudgeon in attacking those who don't conform to his view of the migrant crisis. The French president has said the Italian government is "cynical and irresponsible", likened populism to "leprosy" and demanded fines be levied against EU states that don't take their share of migrants. The Italians, increasingly exasperated with the French president, have hit back – labelling him a "chatterbox". There is a subject, however, on which Macron has gone uncharacteristically quiet in recent months: Islam. During last year's presidential campaign it was the one issue on which he appeared uncomfortable when challenged by Marine Le Pen.

Has there ever been a time when the leaders of France and Great Britain are so diametrically opposed in character and style? One is weak and indecisive, a Prime Minister who avoids confrontation, the other is forthright and forceful, a president who relishes a fight. Emmanuel Macron seems to take a perverse delight in upsetting his compatriots; one can detect in his behaviour a healthy contempt for a section of French society. These are the slackers to whom he referred in a speech last year, the coasters, the self-entitled, the people he believes have grown up believing the state will look after them, whatever.

These are challenging times for Emmanuel Macron. Kim Jong-Un has supplanted him as Donald Trump's Best Friend Forever and he's angered the Italians with clumsy comments about their handling of the migrant crisis. Thank goodness, then, that Kylian Mbappé has recovered from an ankle injury and is fit for France's World Cup opener today against Australia. Every president and prime minister would love their boys to win the World Cup but for Macron a victory inspired by Mbappé would be particularly timely. What political capital! Endless photo opportunities and references about the football team mirroring the new diverse, dynamic and blossoming France. Mbappé is, for Macron, the figurehead of this French squad.

The man who brought France's Socialist Party to the brink of ruin has no sense of shame. In recent weeks, François Hollande has been plugging his memoirs all over the media and even hinting at a political comeback, much to the "exasperation" of his party, who wish the former president would go quietly into the night. The book, The lessons of Power, is rumoured to have been written with the help of a well-known left-wing journalist, but the delusions are all Hollande's. His bitterness towards Emmanuel Macron seeps through the prose, and for every swipe at his successor there is also a claim that France's gradual economic upturn is down to his policies.

Two video clips did the rounds in the French media at the weekend. One went global, that of the heart-warming heroism of Mamoudou Gassama, a migrant who rescued a small boy dangling from a balcony in Paris; the other, being more feel-fear than feel-good, didn't capture the world's attention in quite the same way. This film was shot in the south of France, in a suburb of Avignon, and showed a group of men surrounding a newspaper kiosk. They were there to protest at a large poster advertising the latest edition of the current affairs magazine, Le Point, the front cover of which was adorned with a photograph of the Turkish president Recep Erdogan under the headline 'The Dictator'.

Gaza has a galvanising effect on Europeans. Jeremy Corbyn, for example, appeared to have no consolatory words for France after last week's Islamist knife attack in Paris, yet on Monday he posted messages on Twitter and Facebook expressing his disgust with Israel. Likewise in France, the far-left, curiously quiet whenever there's a terrorist attack on their patch, have this week staged protests in Lyon, Marseille, Rouen, Paris and Bordeaux to voice their opposition to Israel's killing of 62 Palestinians, the victims including several children and fifty members of Hamas, an EU-designated terror organisation. But what do the protestors in France hope to achieve?

The French have an expression to describe far-left citizens who identity more with Islam than the Republic: 'Islamo-Gauchiste', a term coined by the French philosopher Pierre-André Taguieff, who explained in 2017 that many on the far-left regard jihadism as: "...a legitimate social revolt...they look at jihadists through a distorting lens of victimhood. This compassionate approach sees Islamic terrorists only as lost children, abandoned or rejected by unwelcoming and hostile countries, victims of 'institutional' or 'systematic' racism". The symbiosis between the Western far-left and Islamism has been ongoing for decades, and stems from the left's realisation of their failure to win the hearts and minds of the white working-class.

Imagine if the 1,200 hoodlums who rampaged through Paris on May Day had been members of a far-right organisation. Imagine the reaction in the media, the endless cliched references to the 1930s and dire warnings of the rise of a new generation of fascism in Europe. The fascists are here, all right, and on Tuesday they firebombed a McDonald's (the footage below is frightening), torched a car showroom and damaged or destroyed thirty other business premises. But because they vandalised in the name of the far-left, reaction has been muted across Europe. In a few reports, one can even detect a grudging admiration for the perpetrators of the violence. 🔴Le McDonald’s Gare Austerlitz complètement détruit par plusieurs personnes cagoulés.

While Emmanuel Macron has been wowing Washington there's been something of a mini crisis in France. To put it bluntly, the country was invaded on Sunday, its border in the French Alps breached by a force of around 200 foreigners, who then fought with the police as they advanced on the small town of Briançon. The incursion was organised by Italians and Swiss, their number swelled by forty migrants, a fraction of the number who in recent years have used the Alps to cross from Italy into France. In 2016, 315 were intercepted on this arduous route, a figure that last year rose to 1,900. The majority come from West Africa – Senegal, Guinea and the Ivory Coast – although there is also a Paris-based network of Pakistanis who smuggle their compatriots across the border.

Why has the refusal of France to grant a passport to an Algerian woman who declined to shake the hand of a state official at her citizenship ceremony because of her "religious beliefs" made the BBC website? Picked up by other news' outlets, including the New York Times, it's not unreasonable to infer that the subtext is: there go the French again, discriminating against Muslims. If it's not the burka or the burkini, it's a handshake. But why would any western country welcome a woman who shuns one of its oldest and most courteous customs? If she finds shaking hands with a man beyond the pale, one is entitled to suspect she may not look too favourably on gays and Jews.

Since Emmanuel Macron became president last year, he has unashamedly courted the world’s presidents, prime ministers, sheiks and chancellors. Much like Trump, his message has been clear: France is not only back, but it is great again. Trump and Macron will have the chance to discuss their strategies later this month when the American president hosts his 40-year-old French counterpart on the first official state visit by a foreign leader since his election. They first bonded in July when Trump was invited to Paris to revel in the pomp and ceremony of Bastille Day, against the grand historical backdrop of the Palace of Versailles, with all of its symbolism of French victory.

The trial began this week in Paris of three young men accused of plotting to attack Fort Béar, a military base in the Pyrenees mountains that is used as a commando training centre. Three Islamists, led by 25-year-old Djebril Amara, a former navy rating who passed through the centre, were arrested in the summer of 2015, shortly before they were set to launch their assault that they hoped would end with the decapitation of the fort's commander. They met in a video games forum, and online was where they passed much of their time. "I'm hypnotised," Djebril admitted to his interrogators. "I eat, live and breathe Isis. I spent my life in my room – YouTube–Isis–YouTube–Isis. That was it.