James Tidmarsh

Marine Le Pen is fighting back, launching an all-out counterattack against a Paris court’s decision to suspend her from politics. ‘We won’t let the French people’s election be stolen,’ she declared at an RN meeting the morning after her conviction, calling the ruling a ‘nuclear bomb’ dropped because ‘we’re about to win’ the presidency. Time, though, is her real enemy. The presidential election’s first round is set for April 2027, with candidates due to declare by early January. Le Pen has just 21 months to overturn her conviction, but French criminal appeals typically take 18 to 24 months – too long unless the court fast-tracks it or it’s scheduled with political urgency.

‘Every single political group, every single national delegation, has violated the same rule that Ms. Le Pen did – the employment of staff to work on non-EP related affairs.’ That was the reaction of Connor Allen, a former Parliamentary Assistant in the European Parliament, following Marine Le Pen’s disqualification from the French presidential race. Allen is no fringe partisan. He’s worked for multiple MEPs across the aisle and was recently named in Politico’s ‘Power 40 – Brussels Class of 2023.’ His comment lifts the lid on something Brussels insiders have always known: that the rule Le Pen has been convicted under isn’t just bureaucratic – it’s universally ignored.  Let’s be clear: this isn’t a corruption scandal in the traditional sense.

Marine Le Pen has been knocked out of the presidential race and disqualified from standing for public office after she was convicted of misappropriating public funds. She has been given a suspended prison sentence, will have to wear an ankle bracelet for two years, is barred from standing for office for five years, and has been fined €100,000. Her path to the Élysée has, for now, been blocked by the courts rather than the electorate. Some will see this as a triumph of justice over populism, the rule of law asserting itself against an increasingly threatening far-right. But look more closely at the legal reasoning behind the decision, and the picture is far more ambiguous.

Marine Le Pen, the frontrunner for the 2027 French presidency, could be sent to prison and banned from office as early as next week. Prosecutors allege that Le Pen and more than 20 National Rally (RN) members misused 2.5 million euros (£2 million) in EU parliamentary funds between 2004 and 2016 by redirecting them to pay party staff rather than accredited parliamentary assistants in Brussels. There is no allegation that Le Pen embezzled the funds or used them for personal gain: this was a matter of internal staffing allocation, not misappropriation for personal benefit.

The government has defended its controversial decision to relinquish control of the Chagos Islands to Mauritius with an excuse so far-fetched it could be mistaken for a plot from a spy novel gone wrong. According to reports in the Telegraph, Starmer’s administration claims that the deal is necessary to secure the viability of the military base on Diego Garcia, citing potential disruptions in telecommunications due to ‘legal uncertainty’ over the islands’ sovereignty. The Telegraph claimed that one of the Prime Minister’s closest friends, Philippe Sands KC, who has represented Mauritius in the dispute, was the original source of these ‘national security’ claims.

Goma, a city of 1.5 million in Eastern Congo, has fallen to the M23 rebels, openly backed by Rwanda. Foreign governments are calling for the rebels to withdraw, and the UN Security Council has been holding crisis talks, but this is not the time to stop at diplomatic gestures: maximum pressure must be applied on Kigali immediately to shut this conflict down. Anything less risks repeating the horrors of the Second Congo War. Between 1998 and 2003, over five million people died, countless families were shattered and entire communities were erased in the world's deadliest conflict since the second world war. The Democratic Republic of Congo, a nation the size of Western Europe, became a battleground for nine countries, displacing millions and leaving a scar that has yet to heal.

Earlier this year, Sciences Po’s feminist association, Décollectif Féministe, organised a ‘non-mixed’ meeting, which explicitly excluded men and white attendees. Intended as a ‘safe space’ for women of colour, the event sparked an immediate backlash. An MP from Marine Le Pen’s National Rally called it ‘racist and discriminatory.’ Ultimately, the meeting was cancelled before it took place, but it highlights the deep rot that has set in at France’s elite universities.

As the new school year begins in France, pupils across the country are putting on school uniforms for the first time in decades. In a pilot program spearheaded by the government, approximately one hundred schools across the country are testing whether uniforms can reduce bullying, improve classroom tranquillity, and foster equality. While some see uniforms as common sense, others – particularly on the political left –dismiss them as a superficial fix to deep-rooted social issues. The schools participating in the experiment are primarily located in right-leaning towns, where support for the initiative has been strongest, while more left-leaning areas are resisting uniforms. Brigitte Macron, herself a former schoolteacher, is said to be strongly in favour of uniforms.