Fraser Nelson

Fraser Nelson

Fraser Nelson is a Times columnist and a former editor of The Spectator.

Incredibly, this was the best case scenario

The more you study the Recession Budget, the more it hits you: this horror story is a best-case scenario. It's based on almost comically optimistic assumptions. We are apparently halfway through a recession that finishes next May. Then growth starts again, they'll magic up £5bn of efficiency savings and the rich will somehow break the habit of a lifetime and not find accountants to get them out of paying extra tax. Darling may as well have finished his speech saying "and we'll sprout wings and fly to neverland" because that's the gist of his forecasts. It is strikingly unoriginal. Brown has done what he has always done: borrow, based on fake forecasts that he'll have to tear up at the next Budget blaming yet another unforeseen economic event.

Debt, debt and more debt

So this was the Recession Budget surprise: a seven-year horizon with no debt repayment plan. Ha! Bet you didn't expect that. Britain is to be transformed from a low-debt country into a nation saddled with a wartime debt without having fought a war. And as for today's Brownie - it's one the Stern Review used: fake juxtaposition. Brown presents the splurge (or splutter: £9.2bn this year, £16.3bn next) on one hand. And on the other, tax rises for the rich. He wants newspapers to write that one somehow cancels out the other. But it doesn't: he has no plans to fund his extra spending. He'll just keep borrowing. Debt will keep rising from £537bn in 2007-08 rising to £1,020 in 2012-13. Darling says it will peak then, but only as a share of GDP.

Is Brown’s debt binge worrying the lenders?

Might Gordon Brown take so many risks with the public finances that Britain would be considered in danger of defaulting on its loans? This prospect may be laughed off in Westminster, but not in the City where five-year contracts on UK gilts today surged another 4bps to a record high of 87.5bps. In English, this means investors are now paying £8,750 a year to insure every £1m of UK government debt against default.  It’s a straight equation: the higher this premium rises, the greater the perceived chance of government insolvency.

Weasel No.1: turning the VAT cut into a tax rise

Okay, I’m getting a bit ahead of myself, but I suspect I’ve spotted the first tax con of the budget – because there is a way Brown can turn the VAT cut into a tax rise for small businesses. He may find it too alluring to resist. Small firms and sole traders must charge VAT to their customers at 17.5%, but if their turnover is below a certain threshold they pay their VAT to HMRC at a flat rate of, say, 12.5%. They keep the difference, 5%, on which they’d pay corporation tax.  Now, if the VAT rate falls to 15%, will the flat rate they must pay to HMRC also fall? If not, the 5% becomes 2.5% and the small business ends up paying more tax.

Join us in catching the pre-Budget weasels

The Great Budget Game starts at 4.30pm today. Darling will have delivered his speech; copies of the report will have been sent out; and journalists across the land will be rushing to write it all up. With the post-Budget briefing finishing at 5pm and news desks shouting for copy from 6.30pm onwards, that leaves very little time for scrutiny. So you write like mad. To come up with respectable-looking edition is a miracle in itself. But the less time journalists have, the more room there is for Brown to manipulate the message. As we wait for Darling at 3.30pm, I thought I'd give you my take on the battle for the truth that will take place later today: 1. The Race. Darling starts at 3.30pm today, he’ll probably sit down at 4.30pm.

Labour planning new 45p top rate of tax

The latest rumour is that Brown will pay for his VAT cut with a delayed 45% rate of tax for those on £175,000 and over. So off the radar has this move been that (unlike a VAT cut) it's not even in HM Treasury's ready reckoner. Enough is now know about tax economics at these salary levels to establish that raising the top rate results is a false god - the super-rich don’t hang around to be taxed. That's why top tax levels have been falling worldwide to compete for the high earners. France has cut its top rate from 48% in 2003 to 40% now. So "tax the rich" is a useful political slogan, but is economically futile - as governments around the world know.

Brown is blasting out his false message

Whatever you may think about Gordon Brown, he does deserve to be recognised as a master of his art. I can’t think of a more accomplished confidence trickster ever to enter Westminster.  And he’s ready to unveil a whole Potemkin Village tomorrow, the climax of his life’s work. It will be built out of non-sequiteurs, exaggerations, half-truths and Brownies. His interview on the BBC1 Politics Show gave a preview as to how he will conduct himself. He is in full election mode, talking as if he’s in the heat of an election campaign—which, in his head, he is. Here’s my take:- 2)    “That has now spread to become not just a financial crisis, but an economic crisis”. This is his SARS virus narrative, utterly fake.

VAT to be cut to 15 percent

It looks like Brown will cut VAT from 17.5% to 15% - the lowest the EU will allow. This would be the crux of Monday’s recession budget. The move costs £12.5bn and the idea would be to get retail sales moving, then jack up VAT later. The threat of the increase, of course, being the point of the stimulatory push. And put VAT back up to what? Robert Peston has speculated a 22.5% level. Crucially, it also seems the deficit will be £120 billion a year by 2010-11. The other bits and pieces include £5bn projected efficiency savings (but after the election, natch). The wee basic rate taxpayer rebate – designed to atone for his 10p tax debacle – will also last another year as suspected and the Met Office may be flogged. P.S.

Reykjavik on Thames

Is Britain going the same way as Iceland? Iain Dale says that my reference in my political column to senior economists referring to London as “Reykjavik on Thames” is “terrifying, if true.” Cheeky wee monkey. ‘Course it’s true. The phrase I can attribute directly to Willem Buiter, one of Brown’s first appointments to the MPC and a pro-Euro enthusiast (but that doesn’t make him bad and wrong). He makes the Iceland case, and coins the phrase, in this rather technical but sobering FT blog post. Now you could argue he’s just one maverick. But I’d make three points in defence. 1) Buiter was denounced as a maverick when he said Iceland would go pop. He was right, his critics wrong.

Politics | 22 November 2008

Given that Gordon Brown spent his adult life plotting to get into 10 Downing Street, he has been understandably quiet about his decision to leave it. Tony Blair’s old office certainly brought him rotten luck, and his new open-plan base in Number 12 has far better feng shui for a man of his disposition. There he sits as the leader of the gang, within stapler-hurling distance of about a dozen aides. It looks and feels like a general election campaign headquarters, the environment in which, historically, Mr Brown has been at his happiest and most deadly. He is already at war. For the second time in his career momentum is behind him, as unexpected as it is undeserved. Mr Brown’s audacity, his most remarkable characteristic, is serving him well.

Brown’s admitted his mistake – but we let him get away with it for far too long

After months of dodging the question, Gordon Brown has finally admitted he was wrong to repeatedly claim that he’s abolished boom and bust. Jeremy Vine has just asked him on Radio Two if that was a mistake and he replied: “Yes. Of course politicians make mistakes and I've got to be honest that we've made mistakes.” This goes far beyond a soundbite, and in fact lies at the heart of the economic bomb that has just exploded. Brown, like Greenspan, thought we’d entered a new era of permanently low interest rates – and that just because inflation had been tamed, it meant we’d hit some kind of economic equilibrium. This is the dangerous folly which made policymakers blind to the massive asset bubble.

The right reply

George Osborne needs your help, or at least we think he does. He will be spending this weekend hunting for lines for his all-important speech on Monday answering the Pre-Budget Report. Left to his own devices, he may be tempted to go all “responsible” saying “what’s important is that we get credit markets moving” or some other line that will mean nothing to the people watching at home. You the CoffeeHousers, though, can steer him in the right direction by helping write our wiki-rebuttal. It has to be stuff that Osborne can seriously use. Maximum 150 words and a bottle of Pol Roger for the best entry. The stakes are high.

A taxing debate

Daniel Finkelstein has been fighting a heroic but rather lonely battle warning those of us on the right about the limitations of the tax-cutting message. He’s been on the lookout for what he wonderfully terms “punk tax-cutters” and he and I have an exchange of emails on the subject in this week’s magazine – read it here. He didn’t quite give me the savaging he did poor old Nick Clegg. But then again, I’m not for unfunded tax cuts. As far as I know, no Conservative is either. I’ve always seen this charge as an Aunt Sally. Gordon Brown surely qualifies as a punk-tax cutter given that he announced an unfunded cut before the Crewe by-election and will doubtless do so again on Monday.

Cameron <em>can </em>slow NHS spending

Most debates about what the Tories should do are split between what’s right, and what would go down well to win elections. I believe that strong parties start with the former, and work up a way of converting it to the latter. This is why I disagree with James. Refusing to match Labour on health spending in 2010/11 has indeed left the Tories open to the accusation – levelled against Michael Howard in 2005 – that they’ll shut schools and hospitals. James regards this as an unnecessary hostage to fortune. The Tories should no longer be afraid of this for three reasons. First, it’s a lie. Next, it is Labour that closes schools and hospitals, and Cameron should welcome a chance to remind the electorate of this.

A subdued exchange

It was a subdued David Cameron we saw in PMQs today, which is understandable after last week. He’ll need all the arrows he can get in George Osborne’s quiver next Monday. The aim is to make the economy a real issue, hence he went on case studies of businesses denied credit – details later released to journalists. So the aim wasn’t really to get on the lunchtime or evening news but to tee up a narrative for the press. We can expect build-up ahead of the PBR. Gordon Brown was also lower-key: he lost his cool last week over Baby P and paid dearly for it. So a fairly dull exchange, but interesting for the following points: 1) Morale barometer. Labour benches very animated.

Is Cameron ready to face down Brown’s “health cuts” claim?

Cameron’s announcement today grows more radical the more you study it. I was struck that he didn’t vow to protect health and education spending in 2010/11, as the party has in the past. In my “how to cut £40 billion” guide, my chief recommendation was freezing NHS spending to give the system time to digest the cash which Brown has force-fed it. Some chance, I thought – although it’s the best way to save money, Cameron wouldn’t have the cojones to face down the “health cuts” claim he’d get from Brown. But I seem to have underestimated him.

It’s the positioning that matters

Yvette Cooper doesn’t like Cameron’s announcement that he’d spend less than the £680bn Brown intends to in 2010/11. “Unlike the Conservatives, we refuse to abandon people in tough times. The British economy needs a shot in the arm, not a slap in the face.” Except giving people their money back in tough times – as I suspect Cameron will do with the money he saves – is the very opposite of abandoning them. Does she not think the government will be tightening its belt, as all households in Britain are doing? This is what Gordon Brown would call the “wrong side of the argument”. Cameron is finally moving on to firm ground here: he’d actually cut back Labour’s profligacy.

The Tories shouldn’t let Brown provoke a split

Is the Tory right secretly gunning for Cameron? Rachel Sylvester today raises this prospect, and you can take as read this reflects thinking at a senior level within the Cameroons. This bodes ill and suggests someone is worrying that “the Wicked Tory Right are coming for Dave, that explains all the criticism of George, let’s fight them” rather than “we messed up, we have no clear message, let’s sort ourselves out and quickly.” Sure, there are grumbles in the corridors of Westminster but this is several places on the Richter scale away from a kill-the-leader rebellion.  I have detected absolutely no anti-Cameron sentiment, and the very idea of an alternative leader is laughable.

The world isn’t behind Gordon – however much he wants it to be

One of Gordon Brown’s favourite tricks is claiming he’s pursuing a particular agenda at the behest of a person/organisation above party politics. Hence those endless reviews: Stern on climate change, Wanless on health, Barker on housing – all with parameters set so tight that they were programmed to come out with what Brown thought. I’ll wager that in the Pre-Budget Report next Monday, we’ll hear the same – that this huge deficit (prob £60bn this year and £85bn for 09/10) will somehow be at the behest of the IMF and the world. So if the Tories oppose it, well, they are isolated because the whole wide world wants a fiscal stimulus. Except the world doesn’t.

Tell the truth and Brown thinks it’s hell

Gordon Brown says he “regrets” George Osborne’s “partisan talk” warning that we may have a sterling crisis on our hands – his implication being that the Opposition should be supporting him, the Father of the Nation.  In fact, there has never been a greater need for full-blooded, disrespectful, combative, full-on scrutiny of what he says.   I suspect the main reason Brown “regrets” what Osborne said is because Osborne is right. I haveblogged before on what should be known as the 2008 devaluation of sterling.  It gives the lie to Brown’s theory that Britain has a strong economy well-placed to fend off this “contagion” from America.