Uk politics

This morning has brought predictable outrage about Tory ‘traitors’. The Prime Minister has been undermined, Guy Verhofstadt has had his fun describing it as a ‘good day for democracy’. The government has been reduced to damage-limitation, suggesting that last night’s defeat – which means that Parliament will now have the final say on a Brexit deal – won’t derail its plans. That is true. Allowing Parliament the final judgement on the deal almost certainly won’t alter the outcome: Britain will leave the EU on 29 March 2019 with whatever deal the government is able to cut with Michel Barnier and his team.

Some Brexiteers are angry. This is not news. This has been true since about 20 minutes after the referendum result was declared. There are some Leavers who have been looking, since 24 June last year, for a new grievance, fresh evidence they are being betrayed and denied, generally by some shadowy group they describe as 'the establishment' or 'the elite'. (Please note that I say 'some' Leavers, not all. More people in politics and journalism should distinguish between members of a group and the whole group). Some of that anger is understandable. For years and decades, anyone who espoused leaving the EU was ignored and marginalised and called a crackpot. I’d be angry too if someone told me my views were illegitimate or mad.

Although the 11 Tory rebels who led the government to defeat last night night on Dominic Grieve's amendment calling for a meaningful vote have been lauded as heroes by Remain groups, they are receiving a different reception within their own party. While some Conservatives – such as Nick Boles – say they respect the decision made by their colleagues, others have seen red. Take for example Nadine Dorries. The Leave-backing MP took to social media to suggest Grieve's disloyalty meant he did not deserve his prestigious role as chair of the Intelligence and Security committee. Only one of the Tory rebels took issue with Dorries tweet. Sarah Wollaston replied to tell Dorries: 'Get over yourself'.

The Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, likes to make a stand. Specifically he likes to present himself (and the city in which he has been elected Mayor) as an antidote to global concerns about immigration, human unpleasantness in general and Donald Trump in particular. For instance, on the BBC on Sunday morning he explained his opposition to President Trump receiving a state visit to the UK. Though he added: ‘If [Trump] wants to meet with the Mayor of London, of course I’d be happy to meet with him and show him parts of London where Muslims, Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Sikhs, members of organised faiths and those that aren’t, don’t just tolerate each other but respect, celebrate and embrace each other.

With two new polls putting the Conservatives ahead of Labour for the first time since the snap election, there's reason for Christmas cheer in No 10. However, despite this, the result of the disastrous election remains a sore point in government. So, Steerpike was curious to see Sajid Javid make a joke at the expense of Theresa May and her election campaign in a speech to the Federation of Master Builders. Talking about the work the FMB does, the Secretary of State for local government said that not even Winston Churchill was immune to 'shoddy workmanship' – before going on to suggest May was: 'After all, none of us are immune from the kind of shoddy workmanship the FMB protects against. Even Winston Churchill.

In my lifetime, I cannot remember any thing or idea or person getting as bad a press as Brexit has. It’s relentless. It’s not daily — it’s hourly, minutely, by the second. Open a newspaper, switch on the radio, browse the web, and there it is: more Brexit-fear, more predictions of economic calamity and national decline if we continue down this course dumbly mapped out for us by the electorate. It’s exhausting to read; heaven knows what it must be like to write it! I fear for the sanity of the Brexit Doom hack. No doubt reporters and columnists will say they’re doing their job and reporting uncomfortable facts. But to me — and, I imagine, to many people outside of the media bubble — it smacks of the politics of fear.