More from The Week

The closet radical

David Cameron’s path towards power has been long and winding, and may twist and turn yet more before the general election. Tony Blair’s march to Number 10 between 1994 and 1997 was relatively linear. Mr Cameron, in contrast, was underdog in his party’s leadership race in 2005, wobbled badly in the summer of 2007, recovered after the election-that-never-was and then faced a resurgent Gordon Brown as the scale of the global downturn became clear last September. In the course of this political rollercoaster ride, it has been easy to lose sight of what ought to be the most important fact in British politics: namely that Mr Cameron is still likely to be the next Prime Minister.

Bonus points

Not all bankers are bad people. Not all banks are surviving only with the support of the billions of pounds of taxpayers’ money. Not all bankers’ bonuses are rewards for failure. It is important to state these things, obvious though they may be, because Downing Street has undoubtedly poured petrol on the bonfire of rage about bankers’ bonuses as a tactic to deflect public discontent over Gordon Brown’s handling of the economic crisis — a strategy that backfired when it emerged that a former Brown adviser, Sir James Crosby, had allegedly sacked someone for warning about the risks HBOS was taking.

Snowbama

As Britain awoke to the stunning snowscapes of Monday morning, the nation could not make its mind up whether it was on the set of a huge Richard Curtis film, congratulating itself on its social cohesion and snowball-throwing geniality — or whether we were all suddenly locked in a post-apocalyptic nightmare in which no amenities worked, no schools were open, the roads were hauntingly empty, and a phalanx of plague-ridden zombies was probably just round the corner. Half of the British mind wanted to make merry; the other half acted as if a natural disaster had occurred on a par with Hurricane Katrina.

Back on the beat

When an institution is plagued by internal feuds, a loss of public trust and a muddled sense of mission, the elevation of an internal candidate to its helm is rarely a matter for celebration. But the appointment of Sir Paul Stephenson to be the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police is an exception to this generality. Unlike his predecessor, Sir Ian Blair, and his chief rival for the job, Sir Hugh Orde — head of the Police Service of Northern Ireland — Stephenson is not a politician in uniform. The new commissioner, who still commutes from his home in rural Lancashire, should bring a much-needed dose of common sense to the Met and return it to its core mission of fighting crime.

From poetry to prose

It is a rich irony that the true audacity of President Obama’s inaugural address was its dampening of hope. Having campaigned under a banner emblazoned with the slogan ‘Yes We Can’, the 44th President’s first act of government was to administer a stiff dose of realism. He had been expected, with good reason, to emulate the sonorous rhetoric of Lincoln. But the presiding spirit of this speech was George Washington, who spoke in his own first inaugural address in 1789 of his ‘great anxieties’ and ‘the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me’.

Politics | 17 January 2009

David Cameron has long been keen for his shadow Cabinet to exude greater empathy with recession-struck Britain — and he has inadvertently succeeded in one important regard. Most are now fearful of losing their jobs. The coming reshuffle is being spoken of like a vicious redundancy plan that could claim any scalp at random. Frontbenchers anxiously read and decode newspaper stories — particularly for the latest word on Ken Clarke’s potential return and what that might mean. The suspense is agonising. Reshuffle speculation is normally a media game. This time, few shadow ministers have been able to wish each other happy new year without then discussing for whom, precisely, it will be most happy.

A precarious state

It is human nature that some of the most red-blooded capitalists, who during the good times used to froth at the mouth at the thought of any kind of public expenditure, are among those now shouting loudest for help from the taxpayer. The most vociferous criticism of Lord Mandelson’s plan to guarantee loans for small businesses revolves around the assertion that it does not go far enough, promising £20 billion worth of capital compared with a similar, £50 billion scheme proposed by the Conservatives last month. There has been rather less complaint about the principle of bailing out private businesses and what it means for the future of enterprise. We broadly welcome an emergency scheme which will help otherwise sound businesses survive the current constriction on credit.

Heading for another fall

Even with the sharp political mind of Peter Mandelson on his team, it is possible that Gordon Brown failed to foresee one political consequence of his scheme to borrow and spend his way out of the recession. How can the government complain about tax cuts proposed by the opposition when the government has itself abandoned all pretence to fiscal rectitude? A few months ago, ministers would have responded swiftly and savagely to David Cameron’s promise to free all basic-rate taxpayers from paying tax on their savings income. The words ‘reckless’ and ‘irresponsible’ would have tripped off their tongues like sparks from a fire. Thanks to this handout to the rich, they would have added, the sick would go unhealed and children would go uneducated.

Politics | 7 January 2009

Only when Tony Blair popped up on the airwaves did it become clear just how different it is this time. Israel is again at war — yet, unlike 2006 there are no MPs clamouring for Parliament to be recalled. There is no Prime Minister who regards himself as a peacemaker offering his opinion to the world. Nor is there even an opposition seeking to outflank the government by using loaded phrases like ‘disproportionate response’. There is a recession on — and strong opinions on the Middle East seem to have fallen victim to the credit crunch. When asked, Gordon Brown says he is alarmed by Israel sending troops into Gaza. But he’d rather not be asked.

The right of self-defence

Barack Obama got to the heart of the matter in July when he visited Sderot in Israel, a town in range of Hamas missiles. ‘If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep,’ Mr Obama said, ‘I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that. And I would expect the Israelis to do the same thing.’ No less acutely, he observed that it is ‘very hard to negotiate with a group that is not representative of a nation state, does not recognise your right to exist, has consistently used terror as a weapon and is deeply influenced by other countries’.

Politics | 29 December 2008

When David Cameron agreed last June to let his chief strategist work from California for six months, it seemed a timely break from what was threatening to become a dull job. Gordon Brown looked finished, and his party too weak to depose him. British politics threatened to be a comedy of errors stumbling on until the middle of 2010 — leaving plenty of time for Steve Hilton to go abroad, get married and send email advice from beside the swimming pool. From there, he must have watched in horror as British politics changed utterly. Even his fortnightly flights home will not have been enough to keep up with the bewildering speed of the Brown bust.

Tamzin Lightwater looks back on 2008

January 2008 Jacqui Smith nips out for a kebab in a bid to look Modern, but stupidly reveals that she’s scared of being stabbed. This gives us an idea and we begin arranging similar outings for Dave on the mean streets of North Kensington where he is snapped in a variety of Ordinary places including the late night Spar (the food shop, not the Thai massage place on the corner, obviously). As Northern Rock goes wrong I predict recession — not bad for a girl! February Fly-on-the-wall documentary revealing how Dave eats breakfast only gets mixed reviews. Undaunted, we begin the now legendary process of finessing our historic commitment to match Labour spending plans.

Humbug

‘What’s Christmas time to you but a time for paying bills without money; a time for finding yourself a year older, and not an hour richer; a time for balancing your books and having every item in ’em through a round dozen of months presented dead against you? If I could work my will... every idiot who goes about with “Merry Christmas” on his lips should be boiled with his own pudding, and buried with a stake of holly through his heart. He should!’ Scrooge’s memorable outburst to his nephew will strike a deeper chord than usual this year. As the recession bites, and its depth and probable duration become increasingly apparent, many will wonder if there is much at all to celebrate this festive season.

San Francisco Notebook

I am in San Francisco where I began an American theatrical adventure ten years ago. It is a beautiful and stylish town but it is impossible to enjoy a stroll in the city centre without being pestered by beggars. Not seldom hostile, these pungent tatterdemalions seem to be accepted by the locals as though they existed, like the cable cars, Alcatraz and the Golden Gate Bridge, in order to lend their city its special identity, as did the flower children of the Sixties. During the big sales last week, the walk from Saks to Neimen Markus was like struggling through a crowd scene in Les Misérables. Marie Antoinette populated her park with faux milk maids, shepherds and picturesque peasants, and a whimsical 18th-century grandee — was it Beckford?

Help Purnell

It is one of the oddities of politics that a Labour government can sometimes get away with announcing policies which, had they come from the mouth of a Conservative minister, would have provoked howls of anger. So it is with welfare reform. Whenever Mrs Thatcher’s government proposed to make benefit claimants actually do something for their handouts rather than languish in bedsits in Hastings and Margate, as was the common practice in the 1980s, the resulting rage and charges of heartlessness smothered serious reform — with dreadful consequences. In pockets of the country unemployment has become hereditary, and the idea of working for a living an entirely alien concept.

Politics | 6 December 2008

Knowledge that a secret exists is half of the secret, and Westminster loves nothing more than guessing what a secret might be. When The Spectator’s website revealed at 6 p.m. last Thursday that a major Conservative story was about to unfold, there was a flurry of frenzied speculation. One Cabinet member even called 10 Downing Street for clues. No one knew. Several theories were flying (George Osborne resigning, Samantha Cameron pregnant) yet none was as bizarre as the truth: a shadow cabinet member had just been arrested by anti-terror police in a leak inquiry. Once, such a development would have sent Conservative central office into spasm. This time, Damian Green’s arrest was played to perfection. When the news broke at 9 p.m.

This battle has just begun

‘I was excited and delighted by it in that first Bombay minute,’ says the narrator in Gregory David Roberts’s great novel Shantaram. ‘I was excited and delighted by it in that first Bombay minute,’ says the narrator in Gregory David Roberts’s great novel Shantaram. ‘I know now that it’s the sweet, sweating smell of hope, which is the opposite of hate.’ It was hope that the terrorists in Mumbai came to attack and, though the appalling bloodshed in that great city is over, the battle to replace hope with hate is still raging, and has not yet been won or lost.

Brown bets the farm

The Chancellor of the Exchequer’s Pre-Budget Report (PBR) was one of the most arresting political events of modern times. The Chancellor of the Exchequer’s Pre-Budget Report (PBR) was one of the most arresting political events of modern times. Alistair Darling’s delivery was as flat as ever, but what he had to say was truly dramatic: it amounted to a bonfire of the government’s own principles of fiscal management, and a colossal bet on the Treasury’s ability to issue undreamt-of volumes of government debt. His package of measures was predicated on a bafflingly confident forecast that the recession will be over by the third quarter of 2009, and growth will return to its long-term trend by 2011.

A child of our time

From the economic and psychological bedlam of the global downturn has emerged a particularly dangerous false dichotomy: namely, that there is somehow a choice for ministers over the next few years between economic reconstruction and the repair of Britain’s broken society, and that the government (whether Labour or Conservative) must prioritise the former at the expense of the latter. From the economic and psychological bedlam of the global downturn has emerged a particularly dangerous false dichotomy: namely, that there is somehow a choice for ministers over the next few years between economic reconstruction and the repair of Britain’s broken society, and that the government (whether Labour or Conservative) must prioritise the former at the expense of the latter.

Cutting logic

The hint of tax cuts made by Gordon Brown this week is a piece of political audacity which could only be matched were the Conservatives suddenly to commit themselves to the common ownership of the means of production. This is a Prime Minister who for years has sought to beat down the opposition by claiming that the meanest of tax cuts would result in havoc in schools and hospitals; who suddenly, facing a budget deficit of at least £100 billion this year, has decided that, after all, there is some money in the kitty to reduce the tax burden. It is scarcely necessary to point out that any tax cuts which do appear in the pre-budget report will be a pre-electoral bribe. Even without the Prime Minister’s proposed Keynesian spending splurge, the government could not afford tax cuts.