Limor Simhony Philpott

From the very beginning, the war between Israel and Hamas has not been confined to just one front. The Iran-backed, Lebanon-based Islamist militant organisation Hezbollah started attacking Israel on 8 October – one day after Hamas’s deadly assault. In the weeks since, Iranian militias in Syria and Houthi rebels in Yemen have attacked Israel with missiles and drones, while Iranian-backed forces in Iraq have targeted American troops. For now, Gaza is at the heart of the war – but this may soon change. Israel has been fighting Hezbollah since the First Lebanon war ended in 1985.

Late on Tuesday night, about a week after the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) encircled Gaza’s al-Shifa hospital, Israeli forces entered the complex in what has been described as a ‘targeted operation against Hamas’. IDF spokesman Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari said that troops are operating specifically within the western area of the hospital, one of the largest medical facilities in Gaza. The IDF’s military operation within the hospital, and other hospitals in Gaza, has been a highly contentious issue in the international community. The US – Israel’s closest ally – declared that Israel operate with extreme care in hospitals, making sure that patients and staff do not get caught in the crossfire.

Who will rule Gaza once the war is over? Israel, so far, hasn't provided an answer. The country's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been clear that his aim is to wipe out Hamas. He said this week that Israel will claim responsibility for security in Gaza for an ‘indefinite period', in order to stop Hamas from rearming and establish long-term security. But Israel is unlikely to have the stomach to stay in Gaza as casualties mount. So who will step into this vacuum? One possible solution is for the Palestinian Authority (PA) to take over as the ruling body in Gaza. The PA governed over the Palestinian territories following the 1994 Oslo Accords and resulting peace treaty until they lost to Hamas in the 2006 elections.

As the IDF continues to close in on Hamas in the heart of Gaza, the US announced that Israel will implement daily four-hour 'humanitarian pauses' in fighting in the north of the strip. Hours after the announcement yesterday, during a press conference, the Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant spoke rather differently about the pauses. He stated that Israel would not stop the fighting against Hamas until all the hostages held by the group had been returned. Only then could proper humanitarian pauses go ahead. The inconsistent messaging from the American and Israeli sides regarding these humanitarian pauses reflects the American administration's frustration with Israel’s refusal to pause the fighting.

The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) declared last night that Gaza has been encircled and divided into two separate parts: north and south. The majority of the fighting is in northern Gaza, where Hamas has concentrated its bases and arms. This is a significant new stage in the war, which has so far escalated gradually. The gradual advance of the IDF ground troops had several aims. It allowed Palestinian civilians to move from northern Gaza to the safer south, close to the border with Egypt where limited humanitarian aid has been entering the strip. The majority of civilians have now moved to southern Gaza, but several hundred thousands have remain in the north. Some are worried that they won’t be safe in the south.

The atrocities committed by Hamas on 7 October have been revealed in their terrible savagery. There are accounts of dead babies, their bodies riddled with bullets, entire families burnt alive in their homes, women and girls raped and killed. Bodies tortured and mutilated beyond recognition. Israelis thought that the world would finally recognise Hamas for what it truly is; an Islamist terror organisation seeking to destroy Israel. It did not.  Since the war started, there has been an explosion of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish hatred.

If the Israeli public had expected Benjamin Netanyahu to take responsibility for failing to foresee Hamas’s attack on 7 October, for years of neglecting the safety and security of the towns near the border with Gaza and for allowing Hamas to build a substantial armed force – they would’ve been disappointed by his speech on Wednesday night. Netanyahu, in a typical manner, did not accept responsibility. Unlike the IDF’s Chief of the General Staff, Herzi Halvi, and the head of Israel’s general security service Shin Bet, Ronen Bar, both of whom have publicly admitted to failures for predict the attack, Netanyahu declared that an investigation into the events will take place after the war is over. Everyone will be answerable, ‘including myself’, he added.

The explosion that killed hundreds in the al-Ahli hospital in Gaza has created a critical moment that may change the course of the war. Hamas claims that an Israeli air strike was behind the explosion. Israel, on the other hand, claims that the explosion was a misfired missile from the terror group Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Israel has not fought a war on two fronts since 1973. While it is prepared for such scenario, it will be difficult, dangerous and costly Israel has released evidence today to support their claim, including a radar image showing that near the time of the explosion, Hamas and Islamic Jihad were firing missiles into Israel, and that the trajectory of their missiles went directly over the hospital.

Over the weekend, the IDF confirmed that it killed the Hamas terrorist who commanded the attack on Israel a week earlier. It was later disclosed that the terrorist was arrested by Israel in 2005 for abducting and killing Israelis. He was released in 2011 by Netanyahu’s government in return for a captive Israeli soldier abducted in 2006 as part of a prisoner exchange deal. Netanyahu knew that Hamas received money, weapons and training from Iran The deal included the release of over 1,000 prisoners, many of them dangerous terrorists who returned to Gaza and rose through the ranks of Hamas. This controversial agreement exemplifies Netanyahu’s failed policy of containment and appeasement towards Hamas.

Israelis were turning against the country’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu even before Hamas’s invasion. Over the past six months, tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets against Netanyahu’s government and its controversial judicial reforms. Israel has been hit by strikes and road blocks and ministers have been heckled in the streets. In an unprecedented move, resistance even reached the army: some reservists vowed to refuse to serve in the Israeli army if the reform passed. Since the atrocity of last weekend, fury at the Israeli government has become even more widespread. When the war broke out, it was clear that Israel was caught napping. This caused an immediate widespread outcry against the government.

In a sign that the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) is planning to ramp up the war in Gaza, Israel has called for evacuation of 1.1 million Palestinian civilians from the northern area of the Gaza Strip. The UN quickly condemned Israel’s announcement, claiming that an evacuation within the 24-hour timeframe given is ‘impossible’, and have called on Israel to rescind its order. The war, which started on Saturday following a surprise attack by Hamas, saw the biggest single massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. The horrific details of what ensued included the murder of babies, the rape and murder of women and girls, and people being burned alive. Civilians, including children and babies, have been abducted into Gaza.

For Jews everywhere, there was an eery familiarity about the terrible violence unleashed on Israel during Saturday’s attack by Hamas. This was no simple act of terrorism. It was a pogrom. Pogroms were violent attacks against Jews living in the Russian empire in the 19th and early 20th century. They, much like the atrocity this weekend, included homes being torched, the abuse and execution of civilians and the rape of women. In the kibbutz of Kfar Aza, close to the Gaza border and scene of the most depraved Hamas violence, no-one was spared, whether they were female, young or old. All suffered the same fate. All were targeted for being Jewish. Hamas’s pogroms included bodies being set alight and the casual, sadistic murder of children. This is reminiscent of Isis, or the Nazis.

Israelis are livid. Their fury is directed not only at Hamas for massacring over 700 people, wounding thousands and abducting at least 130 including women and children, but also at the Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) for failing to prevent this terrorist invasion. How did Israeli security forces – among the most sophisticated in the world – not foresee Hamas’s attack? A postmortem is already underway, but what is clear is that Netanyahu's government was caught napping, distracted by its attempts to force through unpopular judicial reforms. This stole attention away from the worsening security situation in Gaza, the West Bank and the border with Lebanon. Now, Israelis have paid a heavy price.

How does Israel contain Palestinian terrorism without provoking the third Intifada? Recent weeks have seen the largest escalation in violence between Israel and the Palestinian since 2021. Israeli forces have killed at least 42 Palestinians so far this year; and eleven Israelis, mostly civilians, have been killed in a series of terror attacks. The violence is in danger of spiralling out of control.  Although Israel has been successful in capturing or killing terrorists (but also several innocents), it has encouraged more unrest in the West Bank. The nationalistic rhetoric of members of the Israeli government, including talks of expanding Jewish settlements in Palestinian territory, is making it worse. Hamas has so far largely remained on the sidelines.

Is Israel cosying up to Russia? When Eli Cohen, Israel’s foreign minister, spoke to his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov last week, it was the first such call between the countries’ foreign ministers since the start of the war in Ukraine. Israel’s ministry of foreign affairs, Cohen said, was planning to establish a new ‘responsible’ policy with regard to the country and ‘talk less’ about the war in public. The announcement of the call caused a frenzy, with speculation that Israel wants to adopt a pro-Russia policy. It prompted a public admonition from senior Republican senator, and ally of Israel’s newly reinaugurated prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Lindsey Graham.