Scotland

Alex Salmond may argue that Scotland is "two thirds" of the way towards independence (though even if Salmond is correct that doesn't mean independence is necessarily imminent) but the Royal Navy doesn't seem to agree. In fact, the MoD must consider independence unlikely, otherwise why* would it be basing all of Britain's submarines at the Faslane naval base on the Clyde? According to the latest plans, the Trafalgar class of subs will move from Devonport to Faslane by 2017 and the new Astute class submarines will also be based in Scotland. The SNP's defence policy, of course, is a mess. The party is vehemently opposed to nuclear weapons and considers it outrageous (for reasons that remain mysterious) that the Vanguard class of nuclear submarines are currently based at Faslane.

There's a telling line in this story from the Mail which (if true!) gets to the heart of Gordon Brown's sense of himself. Apparently he was unhappy with the line of questioning being pursued by a recent TV interviewer, leading Brown to complain, off-camera, that "You are impugning my integrity." Now if ever a complaint reeked of the Manse, this is it. Not that the Prime Minister is alone in parading his own estimation of his integrity as though it deflected not only criticism but, more implausibly still, the very grounds upon which such criticism might be offered; the late John Smith could take such a view himself. Smith was fond of arguing that the Scots are "a more moral people" than the English and, deep down, I'd be (very) surprised if Gordon Brown didn't secretly agree.

Such is the disrepute into which Scotland's once all-conquering bankers have fallen that the favoured put down at Edinburgh dinner parties these days is "My husband pays your husband's salary". A period of silence on the part of these erstwhile Masters of the Universe would be most welcome. This injunction, it seems, also applies to their spouses. That sound you hear is the noise of a righteous middle-class populism. These are disconcerting, humiliating times to be a Scottish banker. Nowhere is this more keenly felt than at the Royal Bank of Scotland's headquarters at Gogarburn on the western outskirts of Edinburgh. RBS's downfall and subsequent nationalisation-in-all-but-formal-name has made it open season on bankers in Scotland's capital.

Tom Harris doesn't much care for the Liberal Democrats: Having seen the damage done to the Labour Party through its association with the Liberals in the Scottish Parliament in previous years, there is, if anything, more hostility among MPs to the idea of power sharing than ever. On the other hand, if the Liberal Party want to sign up to the implementation of Labour’s manifesto in the aftermath of the election, fine. So long as they don’t expect either Labour or Tory MPs to agree to a change in the electoral system so that every possible outcome in future would result in the Liberals being in government.

How would the SNP have delat with the banking crisis? The FT's Jim Pickard points out that "This is a valid question. The rescue of the Scottish banks has cost British taxpayers an estimated £2,000 per household. If Scotland was independent, the figure could have been closer to £13,000. How would it have coped?“ Mike Russell, the minister for the Constitution, External Affairs and Culture, replied: "It would have been slightly different, it would have probably been done in co-operation with other countries…we would have done it in partnership with everyone involved.” Now perhaps the ECB might have helped and perhaps the Nationalists could have rustled up some cash from elsewhere but this seems hopeful in the extreme.

One of the problems with nationalism is that it craves attention. The Scottish variety is no exception. Thus, for instance, the normally sensisible SNP Tactical Voting asks: One day we may read in foreign newspapers "why can't we be more like Scotland?" once in a while. Wouldn't that be a refreshing change? Jeff goes on to say how jolly splendid it is that the SNP's proposals for price controls on alcohol might be emulated elsewhere in the UK and, who knows, in truly foreign countries too. Whoopee! But this is scarcely surprising. After all the Scottish parliament has led the way before. Brave Wee Scotland was the first to ban the hunting of foxes with hounds and it was also ahead of the curve, I'm afraid, with its draconian, invasive attitude to the consumption of tobacco.

It's not been a great couple of weeks for Alex Salmond, has it? First there was the budget hullabaloo, then the SNP was compelled to abandon (at least for the time being) its plans to replace the council tax with a local income tax and now the leaders of the opposition parties have each confirmed that they will vote against the nationalists' referendum bill. As matters stand, then, there will be no independence referendum next year. The Tories, Lib Dems and Labour all say it would be "inappropriate" to have an independence debate in the midst of an economic downturn. Well perhaps it would and perhaps it would be a mighty distraction from more pressing matters.

David Cameron's op-ed in Scotland on Sunday this week was interesting. Not because of anything that Cameron said but because it appeared at all. It's another small indication that the country is preparing itself for a new Conservative government. To put it another way, I don't think SoS would have been very interested in an op-ed from Iain Duncan-Smith or Mixhael Howard. What would have been the point? What could they have said to the country that anyone wanted to hear? Not much. So Cameron's proposals for how he would work with Holyrood are, while scarcely earth-shattering, useful to have put on the public record. Nonetheless, they are sensible, modest and designed to reassure.

I doubt many Nationalists would welcome the comparison but facts are stubborn things and the fact is that the SNP and Mr Rove have quite a bit in common. Just as Rove orchestrated campaigns in 2002 and 2004 that portrayed the Democratic party as being, in some odd sense, fundamentally unpatriotic (principally for the crime of not being Republicans) so the SNP's default presumption is that any opposition to any of their policies is somehow an attack on Scotland itself. They are the only patriots in town. No-one else really has the country's best interests at heart. How can they, after all, when they're in thrall to a "foreign" power (ie, Britain)?

Someone needs to tell Tom Harris MP that the "Unionist" in the "Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party" referred to the Union with Ireland, not that between Scotland and England. Equally, the fact that the Conservatives (in London) and the SNP (in Edinburgh) sometimes seem to be reciting similar talking points should scarcely come as any great surprise: the Labour party is their common enemy. True, the Conservatives oppose the Nationalists north of the border but as far as the UK party is concerned that's a secondary front and one, more particularly, on which there's little need for a fresh offensive this year. If, as Alan Cochrane hints, the Scottish Tories have dropped "Unionist" from their name then fine, even if they might actually be better off dropping the "Conservative" bit.

The National Gallery of Scotland needs to raise £50m to prevent the sale of Titian's Diana and Actaeon from being sold. The painting, part of the Bridgewater Collection, has been loaned to the gallery for decades but is now being sold by its owner, the Duke of Sutherland. Well, £50m is quite a lot of money. Then again, it's a pretty nifty painting (though my own tastes run a little later - to Caravaggio and Velazquez in particular). Anyway, it's hard to imagine there being any discussion in France or Italy or Germany of the rights and wrongs of committing public money to the fund-raising effort.

Commenter Rab O'Ruglen  doesn't have much sympathy for the crisis afflicting the Tartan press: While I have every sympathy for those who find themselves in employment difficulties through no fault of their own I cannot say I have any sympathy for the Scottish print medium whatsoever.  If you are looking for an example of a people less well served by its press than Scotland's, you have to go to totalitarian states to find it.It is incredible that when the Independence movement has reached the stage of forming a government, all-be-it a minority one, that every single one of Scotland's public prints is pro-Union.  Sometimes vitriolically so.