More from The Week

Policies, please

For a politician to invite the television cameras into his home is a risky business. An inexperienced Mrs Thatcher in 1975 merely had to open her larder to the nation to find herself accused of hoarding food. Tony Blair was criticised for the heavily draped curtains in his former Islington home, and John Major’s conservatory impressed nobody but the double-glazing industry. Some Conservatives will have been dismayed that David Cameron, too, has fallen for the temptation to be filmed in a domestic situation, even if his kitchen has proved to be a model of sensible, restrained taste. They will argue that it confirms their concerns that the new Conservative leader is a triumph of style over substance. We do not share this view of David Cameron.

Publish the Prince’s diaries: they would become an instant classic

Prince Charles was low in the water during the early 1990s. The collapse of any marriage is painful. In the case of the Prince the agony was magnified beyond endurance by a merciless public scrutiny with which the royal publicity machine, whose armoury of lethal weapons included the raised eyebrow and the old boy network, was ill equipped to deal. Looking back, the Prince must have drawn on enormous reserves of moral courage in order to cope at all. Relief came only with the arrival in 1996 of Mark Bolland, smart, gay, and educated at a comprehensive school. Five years later Bolland was rightly named PR professional of the year. The job he did for the Prince was awesome.

Lock up your chickens

A grim inevitability hangs over the country as we go to press. Some time over the next week or two the first dead swan of spring will be pulled from the rushes in the south of England, taken to a laboratory and declared to have perished from the H5N1 virus. From that moment on, the news virtually writes itself. Exclusion zones will be formed, schools and businesses closed, bridleways sealed off. Poultry farmers will be imprisoned in their homes, children’s budgies seized and put to death before their wailing owners. Country fairs will be called off, hunting and shooting will cease, and there will be demands for the Grand National and the Cup Final to be cancelled.

The honeymoon is over for Cameron and the whispering campaign against him has begun

For two months now the Conservative party has been an unusually tranquil ship. What was once the most mutinous vessel in Westminster has, under David Cameron, changed tack and entered new waters without a whisper of the rebellion for which its crew has become infamous. They may disagree with the direction of travel — but after years in the doldrums, it is hard to argue with such progress, whatever the methods. Cameron has brought the Conservative party its best publicity in a generation, set the political agenda and terrified Labour MPs by moving robustly towards the centre. This has involved asking fellow MPs to abandon policies they have cherished for years, but they have obeyed, spellbound by the audacity and momentum of his first few weeks.

A bit of a drag

Much though we value the liberty of the individual, it would be futile to mount a last-gasp defence of the right to smoke in public when a motion to ban the activity has just been passed by a majority of 200 in the House of Commons. While it says little for the Prime Minister’s remaining powers of persuasion that he has been forced by his backbenchers to go beyond the partial smoking ban promised in last year’s Labour manifesto, it would be perverse of us, who have long championed the supremacy of Parliament over Mr Blair’s toadying ministers, to protest against the result of what was a free vote. Neither can it be said, unlike those other great issues of conscience, hunting and hanging, that MPs have overridden the wishes of the public.

Why Tony Blair wears that look of virtuous but irritable bafflement

The Prime Minister has long felt an unshakeable conviction that he brings to bear a unique insight into human affairs. There are great schemes to transform society and make a better world which he would undoubtedly accomplish if only circumstances allowed. Sadly they do not. A number of factors — dim-witted ministerial colleagues, unco-operative Labour MPs, an incompetent Civil Service, the mulishness of Gordon Brown and a cynical press and broadcasting media are probably the five which loom largest in the Prime Minister’s mind — have prevented him from carrying them out. Hence the look of virtuous though irritable bafflement that has gradually become Tony Blair’s most characteristic public expression.

No joke

We are not publishing the cartoons which caused such offence after they appeared in Denmark, and we believe other British newspapers are right not to have published them. There is a history of irreverence at The Spectator, but there is a difference between irreverence and causing gratuitous offence. Why humiliate members of another faith by ridiculing what they hold most sacred? Some have said the cartoons had to be published, or republished, to uphold the right of freedom of speech. But this is not an issue of free speech; neither our government nor any other European government has sought to ban the publication of the cartoons. This magazine opposed the Religious Hatred Bill, and reaffirms that position.

Cameron’s battleground against Brown: civil society versus the state

One of the most successful smear campaigns in the modern era concerns Margaret Thatcher. It was alleged that she stood for a narrow, selfish individualism without reference to wider duties and responsibilities. This claim was based in part on a single remark made by the then prime minister to the magazine Woman’s Own in 1987: ‘There is no such thing as Society.’ Her words were ripped out of context and then distorted. Read in their full form, it was clear that Mrs Thatcher was making a profoundly moral point, fully coherent with both the Christian tradition in which she had been reared and the most generous ideals of the Conservative party which she represented. She was saying that our most pressing problems can never be solved by an abstraction such as the state.

Trust democracy

The success of Hamas in the elections for the Palestinian Authority has provided a joyous opportunity for that small but sizeable body of opinion in the West which considers the Arab world unfit for democracy. The sight of the terrorist leaders celebrating their election win tempts some otherwise sober people to sympathise with those malcontents on Oxbridge high tables who mutter longingly about the days when the world was ruled by kings and princes; by friendly, if not always benign, dictatorships. It is beyond question that the events of the past week have proved a huge embarrassment for the neoconservative project, and for President Bush in particular.

Cameron is wrong to suck up to Bush and ignore the issue of rendition

David Cameron has ruthlessly dumped Tory baggage on almost every pressing issue: tax, the economy, the environment, health, education, welfare, the legacy of Margaret Thatcher. There is, however, one exception. On foreign policy he has moved surprisingly sharply to the Right. In Europe he has broken with the centrist EPP and placed Conservatives uncomfortably alongside a miscellaneous collection on the semi-fascist fringe. More notable still, David Cameron’s Tory party is moving fast to improve links with the White House and the Republican party. Domestically, David Cameron may have felt moved to renounce Margaret Thatcher. But internationally, he is sucking up to George Bush.

Mother knows best

‘All new rights,’ said Gordon Brown in one of his more memorable utterances, ‘will be matched by new responsibilities.’ It would come across as a more honourable principle if the government were prepared to apply it in reverse. Yet as far as the parents of wayward children are concerned it seems that new responsibilities are to be accompanied by a diminution in rights. Last week, the Prime Minister unveiled his ‘Respect’ agenda, within which is the proposal to make parents more culpable for the misbehaviour of young children. In spite of our misgivings over Asbos, which it seems are now to be given to children as young as ten, we sympathise with the assertion that parents bear responsibility for the conduct of their young offspring. Of course they do.

The real threat to Ruth Kelly is not the paedophile scandal but the Education Bill

Almost without exception Tony Blair’s Cabinet reshuffles have been a shambles, sometimes descending into farce. The reshuffle that followed the 2001 general election was a case in point. Decisions were delayed and a major reorganisation of Whitehall put on hold as Blair was locked in his study having a shouting match with Cherie. In the anteroom senior officials hung around listlessly, too embarrassed to barge in, awaiting instructions that failed to arrive. Two years later, matters got worse. The Prime Minister, without consulting officials, abolished the ancient office of Lord Chancellor. The decision had to be embarrassingly rescinded as it emerged that this could not be put into effect without primary legislation.

Way to go, Mr Cameron

This week a new expression enters the lexicon of Conservative thought: social justice. According to David Cameron, the Conservative party now offers ‘a forward-looking vision which recognises that social justice will only be delivered by empowering people to fulfil their potential’. The party even now has a ‘social justice poverty group’ led by the former leader Iain Duncan Smith. Many Conservatives will be appalled; for them ‘social justice’ will represent the very worst of Blairite gobbledegook: two words stitched together, without real meaning, just because they cause a faint glow of warmth when uttered to members of focus groups.

It wasn’t the booze: Cameron did for Kennedy, and now Blair is the target

A myth is beginning to be constructed around the events of the last week at Westminster. It needs to be challenged at once before it gains ground and becomes acknowledged fact. It goes as follows: Charles Kennedy was sacked as leader of the Liberal Democrats because he was a heavy drinker. This is open to challenge — both the claim that Kennedy was a heavy drinker, and the associated proposition that he was driven from office on account of his drinking. Kennedy’s consumption of alcohol was at most moderate — and negligible compared with an earlier generation of politicians: Denis Healey, Roy Jenkins, Harold Wilson, Ken Clarke. All of them were the better for it.

Disrespect

The Prime Minister is right about one thing: ‘The liberty of the law-abiding citizen to be safe from fear comes first.’ It is indeed the first duty of the state to ensure that its citizens can live peacefully and go about their lawful business without fearing that they will be attacked or have their property stolen or destroyed by others. Mr Blair is also right to note that ‘the criminal justice system [is] failing people’, because it is failing to ensure that they can live without that fear. His intention to try to do something to improve that situation is laudable. Unfortunately, his latest set of proposals — which go under the unlovely title of ‘The Respect Action Plan’ — is unlikely to have the desired effect.

David Cameron follows in the footsteps of Benjamin Disraeli

I had resolved on no account whatever to return to the theme of the Tory leader, David Cameron, this week. Other issues looked more pressing. The decision by Liberal Democrat MPs to destroy Charles Kennedy only months after he had led them to their most impressive general election result in three quarters of a century is an instance of black ingratitude with few parallels in recent political history. It cries out for an explanation. Kennedy does not merely deserve some credit for his electoral success.

The wrong track

Unlike the jubilant Polly Toynbee, we are not convinced that David Cameron’s recent pronouncements on big business and the redistribution of wealth quite amount to a repudiation of capitalism, nor even, as she puts it, that the Conservative leader has ‘put a stake through Mrs Thatcher’s legacy’. Mr Cameron has yet to announce any firm policy at all, and it is a fair bet that when he does so it will not involve nationalisation of the means of production nor lead to droves of big businessmen being led off to jail on charges of ‘corporate irresponsibility’. But when the time does come to prepare the next Conservative manifesto there is one big business which will need to be tackled, involving an admission of an earlier misjudgment by the Tories.

Portrait of 2006

JANUARY In Iraq Sunni insurgents targeted the politically dominant Shiites; Iranians were accused of supporting Shiite militants. Austria, taking up the EU presidency, accused Britain of being the ‘Sick Man of Europe’. Labour floundered over its Education Bill. FEBRUARY Dr Rowan Williams announced his retirement to a monastery in Anatolia after the greater part of the Anglican Communion, led by Nigeria, broke away from Canterbury over the consecration of a lesbian bishop in Canada. Sir David Frost was prosecuted under anti-terrorist legislation for his involvement with the new al-Jazeera international television channel.

What Cameron must do now

The arrival of a prominent new figure in national life is always greeted with a period of experiment among the nation’s political cartoonists. It is not yet clear quite how David Cameron will come to be depicted, though the image that is emerging is of a slightly cherubic fellow with full cheeks and round eyes. Perhaps that does not quite do him justice. Mr Cameron’s political countenance, meanwhile, is likewise a work in progress. Greatly though his success is to be welcomed, not least in the opinion polls, the fact is that he has taken up his new position with a less clear political identity than perhaps any leader of a main political party in modern times. We know that he would, quite rightly, like to see more women Tory MPs and want to talk more to the inner cities.

Cameron’s strength is that he does not throw his weight about

The most unexpected characteristic so far of the Cameron leadership of the Conservative party is caution. Westminster had been braced for some kind of spectacular announcement, or perhaps a series of announcements, signalling dramatic change. This has not been forthcoming. The day Cameron got elected a friend of mine rang up. ‘It’s all up,’ he said. ‘It’s finished.’ ‘Surely Cameron isn’t as bad as all that,’ I replied. ‘I don’t mean Dave,’ he said. ‘I mean me. I’ll never get a seat now.’ My friend is a white, middle-class male in his late thirties.