The Spectator

Letters | 30 July 2011

From our UK edition

The right path Sir: I have always had the greatest respect for Matthew Parris’s incisive comments. However, in his latest column (23 July), he misreads Tory supporters. The Conservative Home survey was statistically accurate. The views expressed were those of thousands of voters and reflect their opinions on ‘U-turn Cameron’. The most frequent comment about

The week that was | 29 July 2011

From our UK edition

Here are some of the posts that were made on Spectator.co.uk over the past week: Fraser Nelson undermines Ed Balls’s spin about growth and the cuts. Peter Hoskin previews George Osborne’s summer of pain, and introduces the Game of Growth. Jonathan Jones wonders how you measure cuddles. Martin Bright has some questions for the police.

CoffeeHousers’ Wall, 25 July – 31 July

From our UK edition

Welcome to the latest CoffeeHousers’ Wall. For those who haven’t come across the Wall before, it’s a post we put up each Monday, on which — providing your writing isn’t libellous, crammed with swearing, or offensive to common decency — you’ll be able to say whatever you like in the comments section. There is no

Barometer | 23 July 2011

From our UK edition

Select company The appearance of Rupert Murdoch before the House of Commons Culture, Media and Sport Committee confirmed that some of the best action in parliament is now before select committees, not in the chamber. — Select committees were around in the 18th century, when they were convened for particular purposes. An early one, in

Portrait of the week | 23 July 2011

From our UK edition

This week’s Portrait of the week Home David Cameron, the Prime Minister, cut short a trade mission to South Africa, returning to give a statement on the phone hacking scandal to the Commons, which delayed its summer recess. Rupert Murdoch, the chief executive of News Corporation, appeared before a select committee of the Commons investigating

Leading article: The power of ideas

From our UK edition

As Keynes observed, the power of ideas — good ones and tragic, wrong-headed ones — is far greater than is commonly understood. As Keynes observed, the power of ideas — good ones and tragic, wrong-headed ones — is far greater than is commonly understood. The Thatcher counter-revolution in the 1980s was made possible by intellectual