Eliot Wilson

Sometimes life comes at you fast. Barely 18 months ago, Sir Keir Starmer, beginning to scent general election victory in his future, pledged to abolish the House of Lords and replace it with an elected chamber as part of a project to 'restore trust in politics'. By Tuesday this week, the Labour leader in the upper house, Baroness Smith of Basildon, could make no firmer a commitment than keeping an 'open mind' to the possibility of phasing out the remaining 92 hereditary peers. That seems like quite a journey. Labour’s plans have gradually diminished since 2022 House of Lords reform is in some ways the ultimate parlour game for constitutional obsessives. It has a familiar and well-worn charm: it is, after all, more than 100 years since H.H.

Even on the most optimistic reading, Rishi Sunak is drinking in the last-chance saloon. Today the Prime Minister is delivering a speech which is supposed to kick-start the general election campaign. Sunak wants to demonstrate that the Conservative party has the vision and policies to guide the country through a dangerous and uncertain future. But Sunak's speech seems to be striking the wrong note: one of doom and gloom rather than optimism. Sunak's speech has been rapidly dismissed as a bungled relaunch It's no surprise that Sunak's speech has been rapidly dismissed as a bungled relaunch. The PM’s thesis is that the next few years will see more change than the preceding few decades, and that we are in a dangerous era.

David Lammy has never been much of a diplomat. The veteran Labour MP is fond of lashing out at his critics, but now, as shadow foreign secretary, he has travelled to the United States to lay the groundwork for a future Labour government’s foreign policy. He may find that some of his earlier oratorical fury comes back to haunt him. He called Trump 'a racist KKK and Nazi sympathiser' Lammy has compared Conservative MPs in the European Research Group to Nazis and supporters of apartheid South Africa.

Andy Street was a political outsider when he was chosen as the Conservative party’s candidate for mayor of the new West Midlands Combined Authority in 2016. He was 53 and had enjoyed a successful career in retail, latterly as managing director of John Lewis and Partners. This weekend, after seven years as mayor, he was narrowly defeated by Labour’s Richard Parker, the margin just 1,508 votes out of a total of 600,000. Street has become a considerable figure in Conservative politics Street has become a considerable figure in Conservative politics, seen as straightforward and practical, an effective champion for his region. Partly this has been a result of his status as an outsider, someone who is not in hock to the party machine.

The election for the first North East of England mayor should have been a gift to the Labour party. Its candidate Kim McGuinness has duly won the role, but her tally of 41 per cent is superficially modest. This region is one of the Labour movement’s heartlands, steeped in coal-mining, shipbuilding and steel-making. It gave birth to the Jarrow March and the Durham Miners’ Gala. Ramsay MacDonald, Hugh Dalton and Manny Shinwell all represented Durham seats. The culture of the region is steeped in working-class pride and struggle. But, last year, something odd happened. For weeks there have been anxieties in the Labour leadership that Driscoll might win Labour began the process of choosing its candidate for the mayoral election over the summer.

‘You are quite openly Jewish, this is a pro-Palestinian march, I'm not accusing you of anything but I'm worried about the reaction to your presence.’ These were the words of a police officer to Gideon Falter last week as he walked along Aldwych after attending synagogue. The chief executive of the Campaign Against Antisemitism was not protesting or making a public statement of any kind, yet an officer of the law warned him that his ‘presence’, wearing a yarmulke, was a ‘breach of the peace’. The Met is not improving, or at least not improving nearly quickly enough Once the first wave of open-mouthed incredulity had passed, the widespread reaction to the police’s action was, quite rightly, outrage.

When Nicola Sturgeon unveiled the SNP's climate change pledge in 2019, the First Minister boasted that Scotland had the 'most stretching targets in the world'. The problem was that they were too stretching: five years on, the flagship goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 75 per cent by 2030 has been binned. The decision to axe the climate target means that another part of Sturgeon's legacy lies in tatters. This debacle also reveals something simple: writing something into law doesn't mean it will happen.

Three weeks after the Prime Minister visited Barrow-in-Furness to pose with models of submarines, the Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer has made his way to BAE Systems in Cumbria to emphasise his support for the United Kingdom’s nuclear deterrent. He penned an accompanying manifesto for the Daily Mail, in which he said his party’s commitment to Trident was 'total' and 'unshakeable'. He also expressed a 'a cast-iron commitment' to build the four new Dreadnought-class nuclear submarines which will carry Britain’s ballistic missiles from the early 2030s onwards. This is politics. Starmer remembers that at the last election barely one in ten voters trusted the Labour party on defence and national security.

James Heappey, who will soon step down as Conservative MP for Wells after nearly a decade, may have won more column inches in the last fortnight than the rest of his career combined. In March, he resigned as minister for the armed forces, a post he had held since 2020, and now that he is liberated from government, he has a few things he needs to get off his chest. We have chronically underspent on defence for far too long Heappey, who served in the British Army for eight years, rising to the rank of major and serving in Afghanistan and Iraq, has penned a heartfelt plea for the Daily Telegraph, in which he warns that the United Kingdom is unprepared for war as a ‘whole nation endeavour’.

Everyone makes mistakes, but they are seldom as monumental as William Wragg's. The Tory MP has admitted handing over the phone numbers of colleagues to a man he met on Grindr, a gay dating app. The vice-chairman of the 1922 Committee said he offered up the details after sending intimate pictures of himself. Wragg deserves some credit for coming clean. 'I was scared. I’m mortified,' he has said. But there's something troubling about the speed with which Wragg's colleagues are defending him – and the insistence that he shouldn't lose the Tory party whip. Wragg must face up to the consequences Anyone who has worked in Westminster will feel a shard of sympathy for Wragg.

Nato marks its 75th birthday today, but the alliance is in no mood for celebration.  At its foundation, and for much of its lifetime, Nato worked well. On 4 April 1949, representatives of a dozen countries signed the North Atlantic treaty in Washington DC 'to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilisation of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law'. Although the Cold War was not always cold, and flared into bloodily hot conflicts in Vietnam, Cambodia and Angola among other places, there was never a face-to-face showdown between Nato and members of the Soviet Union-led Warsaw Pact, let alone a nuclear one.

The news that Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, leader of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist party, had been arrested and charged with rape and other historical sexual offences, was a rare moment of genuine shock in politics. Politicians on all sides have been scrabbling to respond, to understand what has happened and what it means for the DUP and Northern Ireland as a whole. Of Donaldson, little can be said until the conclusion of his criminal trial. He is scheduled to appear at Newry Magistrates’ Court on 24 April and says he will be strenuously contesting the charges against him. But it is clear that his involvement in politics is over: he resigned as leader of the DUP within hours of the story becoming public.

The prime minister is in Cumbria today, visiting Barrow-in-Furness to announce a ‘national endeavour’ to support the defence and civil nuclear industry. This includes a partnership with companies including BAE Systems, Rolls-Royce, EDF and Babcock to invest more than £760 million in skills, jobs and education over the next six years. The Barrow Transformation Fund will receive £20 million from the government immediately, then £20 million a year for the coming decade. Barrow is important because it is where the Royal Navy’s new Dreadnought-class ballistic missile nuclear submarines are being built. BAE Systems Submarines also built the Astute-class nuclear-powered attack submarines, of which four are in service with three more to come.

England's football kit has changed dramatically over the years but one feature typically remains unchanged: the cross of St George. Nike, which is designing the England kit for this summer’s Euro 2024 tournament in Germany, has redesigned the red and white flag in navy, light blue and purple. Why did it think doing so was a good idea? The backlash has been predictably swift: Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer said the St George’s flag was a unifying symbol which should not be changed: 'We just need to be proud of it. So I think they should just reconsider this and change it back.' Rishi Sunak said the flag should not be 'messed with'. And Nigel Farage called the design 'an absolute joke'. Nike’s response was predictable Nike’s response was equally predictable.

Humza Yousaf might have hoped for a better week. On Wednesday, the First Minister gave a speech at the European Institute of the London School of Economics, setting out why Scotland’s economic future would be brighter if it was an independent country. Some in the room were enthusiastic, but the Scotsman quietly drew attention to an LSE study from 2021 which had found that 'the economic costs of independence are two to three times greater than the impact of Brexit'. The report went on to conclude that independence would mean 'an income loss of between £2,000 and £2,800 per person every year' and that it would make little difference whether an independent Scotland was a member of the European Union or not.

Lee Anderson's defection from the Tories to Reform UK was hardly a surprise. In fact, it seemed almost inevitable. But that Anderson rose to the position he did within the Conservative party to become deputy chairman, before flouncing out, raises questions about Sunak's political judgement. Anderson became an emblem of the Red Wall, yet is he really representative of voters from the north? Sunak's superficial reading of Anderson led him to think that he could be a bridge to the Red Wall Anderson’s blunt language has powered his brief career as a Conservative MP. Because he said undiplomatic, unwise or unhelpful things, and because his background was unimpeachably and authentically working class, Rishi Sunak and his advisers chose him as a kind of avatar for ‘Red Wall’ voters.

'Stakeknife', a double agent who was an informant for the British Army while working within the innermost counsels of the Provisional IRA, probably cost more lives than he saved. That is the damning verdict of Operation Kenova, which has spent seven years – and £40 million – probing whether Stakeknife was effectively permitted to kill while the security forces watched on. Stakeknife’s identity has never been officially confirmed but it is accepted he was a Belfast man called Freddie Scappaticci, who died last year. Interned in 1971 along with figures like Gerry Adams and Alex Maskey, he was a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) by 1974 and came to head the terrorist organisation’s Internal Security Unit (ISU).