Conservative party

Simon Burns isn't the only Tory MP who fancies a crack at the Deputy Speakership, even if, as James has blogged, he might be the preferred Number 10 candidate. Other names include Nadine Dorries and Eleanor Laing. But I've just spoken to Brian Binley, who says that he has pretty much made up his mind to stand too. Binley said: 'I haven't completely made up my mind but I've had a lot of support. I've pretty much decided but I just want to be in the House when it is sitting to see what the mood is there. All the support I have had so far suggests that it is going to be good.' This is the Brian Binley of chambermaid and janitor fame, a man whose outspoken comments on the leadership will make him very popular indeed with backbenchers.

David Cameron's speech to Tory conference yesterday was supposed to be policy-free so that the media would pick up his list of achievements because it had no other choice. The problem with this, though, was that the papers found a policy in the speech anyway, and if they did splash on the speech, they chose this policy, not the 'finish the job' line or any other (although the Mail used the 'Land of Hope is Tory' line). It was on housing benefits for the under-25s, but it wasn't exactly ready to be a set-piece conference announcement, more a fleeting reference to gain more applause in the hall. Because the policy wasn't quite ready, a rushed briefing came out when it was demanded. You can read the note in full at the bottom of this post.

1. Labour set the agenda for this conference. Ed Miliband might be preoccupied by his row with the Daily Mail about his father, but he can take heart that his shift to the left in Brighton last week had a huge influence over this Conservative party conference. This wasn't just the cost of living agenda, which Tory ministers felt the need to rebut and respond to in their own speeches, but, as James explains in his politics column this week (get a sneak preview on Coffee House here), Ed Miliband has energised the Tories into being more determined than ever to beat Labour. David Cameron's own speech contained 25 references to Labour, and he tried to deal with Ed Miliband in a number of ways, which I outlined here.

Where next for Tory modernisation? The first point is that it never ends. The Conservative party could not have survived and thrived as the longest standing and most successful political party in history without continually updating ourselves. Modernisation is one of our most important traditions. The second point is that modernising is not ideological. Still less is it about making ourselves less conservative or tacking to the left. Indeed, in the 1970s and ’80s modernisation was about detaching ourselves from an outdated corporatist consensus from which particularly younger people felt increasingly alienated. The third point is that it isn't superficial or about appearances.

William Hague is the man with a plan to deal with Ukip at next year's European elections. At a fringe event hosted by the Conservatives in the European Parliament group this evening, Hague urged the assembled MEPs to take a tough message to the country, making sure they know what the Tories have done to reform and enhance our relationship with the EU. As James Forsyth suggested in the Spectator last week, the message the Tories need to adopt is part carrot, part stick, to unite the right. The Foreign Secretary seems to have listened to his advice. On the the electoral carrot, Hague suggested a pact was needed with the voters: 'It's only by David Cameron being Prime Minister, not Ed Miliband, that we get a referendum on Europe in the United Kingdom.

Will any Tories except Cameron and Osborne applaud the Help to Buy mortgage scheme? At an IEA fringe event this evening, discussing lessons to be learnt from the recession, all the members present of the Free Enterprise Group of Tory MPs all conveyed their concern at the plans the Prime Minister has accelerated this weekend. Former banker Andrea Leadsom said she was 'exceedingly concerned' and suggested the property cap should be lowered from £650,000 to £350,000. Chris Skidmore agreed the cap is too large while Kwasi Kwarteng (leader of the group) said he was 'uneasy about governments propping up credit markets in such a direct way'. The Free Enterprise Group have been heralded as the future of the Conservative party, but the present party is listening to them too.

In Manchester this week, there’ll be much talk from the Tories about how they are gunning for a majority. But in private, many senior Tories will admit that being the largest party in another hung parliament is a more realistic aim. As Matthew d’Ancona reveals in the Telegraph this morning, there has been talk—albeit brief-- between the principals about a second coalition. Matt also reminds us how, if it had not been for Cameron’s intervention, a mansion tax would have been imposed by the coalition. I suspect that if there is to be another coalition, the Liberal Democrats would insist on some kind of mansion tax. It has come for them a proxy for wider questions about how much influence they would wield inside a second Tory-Lib Dem coalition.

Boris Johnson sure knows how to make the front pages. His interview in the latest FT Weekend Magazine — with the cover quote 'for the first time in years, I wished I was in Westminster' — is a prime example of his strategy. He wants to remain in the public consciousness without revealing anything new. He’s done it several times before, often in similar ways: 1. After a period of inactivity, give an interview which appears revelatory Boris flits in and out of the spotlight, particularly when he’s busy trying to run London. Then suddenly, he appears front and centre with 'news'. In the FT's interview, he says ‘during the whole Syria thing, for the first time in years, I wished I was in Parliament. I watched that and I thought ... I wished, I wished’.