Labour party

There was a point in Ed Miliband's speech on a 'better politics' where it became clear that for the rest of our lives we're all going to be trapped in an endless cycle of opposition politicians announcing that they are going to forge a 'new politics', as though some other chap hadn't said the same thing only a few years before. There really is nothing new under the sun. But it would be unfair to dismiss the Labour leader's speech as meaningless simply for saying what others have said before him: perhaps he was hoping that the goldfish bowl of the Westminster Village would turn out to contain a bunch of people with goldfish memories, too. His speech was in many ways impressive politically.

While the Tories bask in the glory of Abu Qatada's deportation, the progress of James Wharton's Private Member's Bill, and the general good atmosphere in the party, Labour is trying to work out what the best response to its terrible week is, and how to get to a situation where it is on top of the story, rather than jogging after it. The Independent on Sunday quotes one senior figure today as saying that Ed Miliband only has two weeks in which to resolve the Falkirk row, and his acolytes were out in force today to underline that the fightback is already under way. Michael Dugher has just appeared on Pienaar's Politics to say that the 'process of change, if anything, has got to accelerate and I think that's what you will see in the days and weeks coming after this'.

Wham! Len McCluskey and Ed Miliband have spent this afternoon hitting criticisms back and forth over the Falkirk row. Earlier, the Labour leader sent a challenge shooting over the net to the Unite boss, telling McCluskey he 'should be facing up to his responsibilities'. Then the Labour party said it was referring the matter to the police. McCluskey slammed back on Sky News, saying Unite had 'done nothing wrong'. He said: 'I'm afraid the way it has been handled by the Labour party headquarters is nothing short of disgraceful.' And he warned Ed off having a confrontation with the unions: 'It's depressing that Labour leaders seem to want to have a Clause 4 moment, they have got to have a situation where they front up union leaders. Well, Ed doesn't need to front up me. I'm his friend.

Yesterday Len McCluskey made it very clear that Ed Miliband was definitely, definitely the leader of the Labour party. He said: ‘There can be absolutely no question about who runs the Labour party: it is Ed Miliband and he has my full support. Yes, there may be issues we disagree on, that is allowed in a democratic party, but Unite is fully behind Ed Miliband and after today’s performance by Cameron the sooner he is prime minister the better.’ Which was unhelpful, really, as it's never good when the unions have to issue a statement clarifying who the leader of the Labour party really is. But Len's hands-off approach doesn't mean he can't still tell the party exactly how things should be done.

David Cameron's statement on the European council was another example of how easy it is at the moment for the Tories to portray Ed Miliband as a weak leader. He made it perfectly clear what he wanted those watching to take away by stealing Tony Blair's 'weak, weak, weak' line in 1997 when attacking John Major (which is well worth watching again). Today the PM told the Commons that Ed Miliband's position on Europe could be summed up in three words: 'weak, weak, weak'. He said: 'What I thought was interesting about the right hon. Gentleman’s response was that we heard not a word about the referendum that we are going to discuss and debate on Friday. I think I know why. The right hon.

Friday’s vote on James Wharton’s EU referendum bill is going to push the whole Europe question right back up the political agenda. The Tories will try and use it to highlight their support for a vote and the opposition of the other major parliamentary parties. It will be very hard for Ed Miliband to go into the next election opposed to a referendum. It would look like he was opposed to giving the public a say. I also suspect that it will become almost politically impossible to oppose a referendum after the European Elections in 2014. Patrick Wintour reports today that Labour is toying with the idea of either amending the Wharton Bill to back an instant In / Out vote or committing to one within the six months of the next election.

The Spending Review was a political device that the chancellor clearly hoped would get him through to the end of this parliament. But if the spin doesn’t match the realities of life, I don’t think the public will buy it. A big risk for both governing parties is that high increases in the cost of living define the next election. The Liberal Democrats cling to their £10k personal tax allowance as the policy that will get them through the general election in 2015, and the dry-run coming in next year’s local elections. 10k’s a natty round number that’s easy to remember, and I would be the first to admit that straight forward practical solutions that the public can understand are important in politics.

One thing that was noticeably absent yesterday was Tory crowing about Labour having signed up to the coalition’s current spending plans. Instead, George Osborne’s response to Balls concentrated on whether Labour would borrow more. Given the Osborne-Balls relationship, you might have thought that the Chancellor would have relished the idea that Balls had been forced into an intellectual surrender. But the Tory leadership is acutely aware that going on about Labour having accepted their spending limits undercuts their argument that it is the same old Labour party, addicted to spending and borrowing. So instead they’ve chosen to argue that Labour’s pledges of fiscal rectitude simply aren’t credible.