Ireland

And, as we know, Brussels has a habit of changing the answer any time anyone offers the wrong inconvenient answer. Nevertheless, the Irish government's decision - made on the advice of the Attorney General - to hold a referendum on the latest EU "Stability Pact" is not, I hazard, likely to please everyone: "I am very confident that when the importance and merit are communicated to the Irish people that they will endorse it emphatically by voting yes to continuing economic stability and recovery,” the Taoiseach [Enda Kenny] said. The compact, agreed at special EU summit earlier this month, proposes tough new budgetary discipline on each euro zone state, including near-zero public deficits. It has already been approved by 25 of the EU’s 27 members.

So spake the Taioseach, a Mr Enda Kenny of County Mayo, on Sunday night. Difficult choices are never easy. There is something near-fabulous about the phrase. It has certainly prokoked Fintan O'Toole most severely. He's in rasping form this week Savour the phrase. Hold it to the light. Swirl it round the glass. Stick your nose in deep and inhale the rich aromas of full-bodied absurdity. Get the pungent whiff of carmelised cliche and curdled smugness. Imagine the work that went into crafting it, the bleary-eyed, caffeine-soaked speechwriters in their lonely eyrie, in the early hours of Sunday morning, running through the variations: hard choices are seldom soft; nasty things are never pleasant; difficult options tend to be difficult.

The symbolism of this is pretty dire. These are still times for bitter melancholy in Ireland and many a Dubliner has rarely felt as republican as he does now that the state's sovereignty* is, shall we say, not what once it was. This, a friend says, is just another tale of life "under the occupation": Taoiseach Enda Kenny has rejected reports that details of next month's Budget, including a planned hike in the VAT rate, were shown to German officials yesterday. Mr Kenny met chancellor Angela Merkel in Berlin yesterday after which reports emerged that the Irish Government was planning raise the top rate of VAT by 2 per cent to 23 per cent. According to documents presented to a Bundestag budget committee, the measure would generate an additional €670 million for the Government.

Even by the lofty standards of delusional politicians, Bertie Ahern remains a man apart. The former Taoiseach who once boasted that "the boom times are getting boomier" has a novel theory to explain Ireland's economic bust: it was the fault of the newspapers. Apparently they were too interested in writing about the curious way in which Bertie's life was funded by a number of generous and wealthy pals and businessmen. If they hadn't been persecuting the cutest hoor on the northside perhaps they'd have noticed what else was going on. Really, this is what the man says: Bertie Ahern has called for an investigation into the media for what he said were failures to follow the economy because journalists were more concerned with following his dealings with the Mahon tribunal.

I think it's tiresome the way countries in desperate economic trouble are treated as lab rats by pundits far away whose sole interest in their travails lies in their providing an argument to buttress favoured policies back home. It's a pretty grim game, really. So when Paul Krugman spends a summer writing about Ireland's enforced austerity he's not really writing about Ireland at all. He's arguing about the United States and never mind what the hell happens to the poor, miserable Irish. The worse things go for them, the better they go for the Krugman school. Tyler Cowen documents all this rather neatly. This doesn't mean that a return to economic growth in Ireland (while Spain remains sluggish) demonstrates the wisdom of austerity's advocates.

Martin McGuinness's campaign for the Irish Presidency is, of course, a disgusting affair. How could it ever be otherwise? But even by Sinn Fein's grim standards, it's off to a loathsome, disingenuous beginning. Speaking on Irish radio this morning, McGuinness complained that a coterie of "West Brits" in the Dublin media are out to get him. Only someone whose loyalty to the Republic might be questioned by the more rancid brand of nationalist, you see, would be vulgar enough to bring up McGuinness's murderious past. Indeed, it's just "people who are hostile to my candidacy" who have the gall to mention McGuinness's IRA past. This is strange since, as Fintan O'Toole observes in today's Irish Times, the IRA and McGuinness himself has never repudiated its past.