David French

The bonfire of the New Right’s vanities

The American right has a problem: it can’t stop talking about itself. Commentators, academics and journalists of what used to be called a “conservative” persuasion all tend to think that their ideas are tremendously interesting. And, in the way a difficult child becomes argumentative when he or she isn’t getting attention, they fight. They fear irrelevance and so they fall out with each other and take sides in order to prove to themselves that they have something worth saying. Things become messy and nasty and everybody gets carried away – usually in the hope of grabbing their own slice of an all-too easily distracted online audience. (Why else am I writing this?

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trump fixation boot

The wages of Trump fixation

Max Boot recently wrote that my arguments against the impeachment inquiry are prima facie proof of why the Democrats should, in fact, impeach Trump: 'If even the great historian Victor Davis Hanson can’t make a single convincing argument against impeachment, I am forced to conclude that no such argument exists.' In fact, I made 10 such arguments, all of which Boot attempted, but has failed, to refute. In this context, Boot’s intellectual erosion as a historian and analyst is a valuable warning of stage-four Trump Derangement Syndrome. I offer that diagnosis with regret given I once knew and liked Boot. But his commentary over the last three years has become sadly unhinged.

There is a little bit of Frank Sinatra in Donald Trump

Unless you are drinking from the cistern that Bill Kristol and his herd top off daily, you will have been impressed by Donald Trump’s long press conference yesterday at his golf course in Bedminster, New Jersey. Kristol’s latest puddles include the charge that Trump and Elon Musk are “mediocre” (“two repulsive and mediocre oligarchs”), a comment that elicited more snickers than your local candy shop stocks.   It turns out that, like the House of the Lord, Donald Trump is a house with many mansions. You go to his rallies, and he is in rah-rah-cheerleading mode. He works the crowd. The enthusiasm among the tens of thousands of people is palpable. He is a master of off-the-cuff paratactic delivery and what the rhetoricians call aposiopesis.

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What conservatives get right about masculinity

Conservatives are taking a lot of heat these days regarding masculinity. David French in a recent piece at The Atlantic criticized Josh Hammer, David Azerrad, and Donald Trump, among others, for promoting what French labels a false view of manliness — namely, one that is unafraid to speak unpopular truths regardless of the consequences. It is a farcical “Trumpist toughness” that “treat[s] Twitter as their Omaha Beach.” Washington Post columnist Christine Emba, meanwhile, recently mocked Republican Senator Josh Hawley for being a “champion of masculine virtue” but failing “to engage more deeply on the level of policy and ideas.

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A guide to conservative commentators

So, you want to be a conservative commentator? Welcome aboard. But before you start you need to think about what kind of conservative commentator you want to be. I know what you’re thinking: are you a traditional conservative, or a neoconservative, or a libertarian? But the map of conservative commentary is richer and more complicated than that — containing archetypes that are not reducible to ideology alone. There are all kinds of subcultural phenomena here that you have to navigate as you build your brand. Shall we begin? The Absolute Wonker Need a study showing tax rates from 1962-2021? Wonker is your man. He’s a stats fiend, mainlining data. He knows graphs like a seasoned mechanic knows the engine of a car. What is the point of them? Wonker is less sure.

conservative

L. Brent Bozell Jr, conservative insurrectionist

I suspect at least 10 times more Americans will have heard of William F. Buckley Jr than L. Brent Bozell Jr but things could have been very different. For years, Bozell was Buckley's closest collaborator and perhaps the second most influential ideologue in the nascent conservative movement. He helped with the founding of National Review, co-wrote McCarthy and His Enemies with his college friend Buckley and ghostwrote The Conscience of a Conservative for Barry Goldwater.Bozell was a fierce Cold Warrior. Even the hawkish Buckley might have blanched when his tall, red-headed, impetuous friend announced that the United States should be ‘disposed to use [nuclear weapons] in good conscience’ against the Soviet Union.

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