David Shipley

Why was Mohammed Yaseen treated better than our SAS?

Mohammed Yaseen (Hampshire Police)

What should be done with a foreign man who has been a ‘hardened terrorist’ since he was 16, was a member of the group which beheaded Briton Ken Bigley, and went on to join an Isis unit which conducted stonings, beheadings and mass executions? A normal country would deport or permanently jail him. If he was back in the Middle East, he’d be hanged. But in the UK, when this man, the Iraqi Mohammed Yaseen, arrived illegally (leaving Germany after serving a sentence for his Isis membership), we locked him up for six months and then set him free. Despite a British court being told that Yaseen poses ‘a danger to the whole of the UK’, he has applied for asylum and it is being reported that our own Foreign Office ‘has raised concerns’ that he could face ‘mistreatment’ if he’s returned to Iraq. ‘Mistreatment’ because he’s a terrorist, you understand. Yaseen’s asylum claim will be funded by British taxpayers, as will all the legal aid he receives.

Meanwhile those who were sent out by the British state to hunt and kill Isis terrorists have been treated very differently. New reporting has revealed that investigations into SAS actions against Isis resulted in soldiers being interviewed by the police over claims they use ‘disproportionate force’ in shooting two teenagers working for the terror state, and then 48 hours later being sent back to Syria to conduct further operations. These men, and many like them, have received minimal support from the Ministry of Defence – just a list of legal aid solicitors they might wish to call. Meanwhile, investigations like these and the interminable Haddon-Cave inquiry grind on, leaving members of the SAS facing the permanent threat of further police action. The result is that many experienced operators are leaving the regiment, making us all less safe.

So Isis terrorists are afforded every support and protection, with our own Foreign Office worried about him, while the very best and bravest of our military are hounded by the state they serve.

George Simm was Regimental Sergeant Major of 22 SAS. When I spoke to him about these two stories he told me: ‘It is an obscenity to allow foreign fighters into our society – it goes way beyond negligence – and why? Because of a quasi religious adherence to a law (the Human Rights Act) that is only recognised as valid by a tiny fraction of that same society. And for politicians to supinely state that they can’t do anything about “because it is the law” should disqualify them from running anything more important than a whelk stall.’

George is right. This is obscene. The legitimacy of the British state, of any state, rests on it fulfilling its first duty to protect its people and to serve their interests. The UK has become an inverted perversion of this. The state imports thousands upon thousands of dangerous rapists (and now terrorists), provides them with printed ‘guidance’ on why they shouldn’t rape, and then turns them loose in towns and cities across the land. When locals try to prevent these arrivals, the state deploys vast policing resources to ensure they go ahead. When an actual terrorist enters the country our machinery of state is worried that his homeland might do something nasty to him if we send him back there. And when our special forces do their jobs, conducting lawful operations which were directed at the highest level in Regent’s Park, they are treated like criminals for killing our enemies.

Once I would have described myself as a conservative. No longer

If anything, George Simm is too kind to the British state. It has entirely failed in its duties and broken its covenant with the British people. A state which actively acts to make its people less safe, which demonstrates daily that it cares more about the comfort and ‘rights’ of foreigners than it does the safety of its own people, and which hides behind ‘the law’ as a justification for these acts has no legitimacy at all. 

Once I would have described myself as a conservative. No longer. There is almost nothing left worth conserving in the modern British state. We need a reckoning. A new settlement, very many trials and proscriptions for those politicians, civil and public servants responsible for these crimes against the British people, and a new state which will serve the British people. This obscenity must end.

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